FOOTNOTES
[1] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 8.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 150.—Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., dial. de Ximeni.
[2] Carbajal has given us Charles's epistle, which is subscribed "El Principe." He did not venture on the title of king in his correspondence with the Castilians, though he affected it abroad. Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 10.
[3] The letter of the council is dated March 14th, 1516. It is recorded by Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 10.
[4] It became permanently so in the following reign of Philip II. Semanario Erudito, tom. iii. p. 79.
[5] Carbajal penetrates into the remotest depths of Spanish history for an authority for Charles's claim. He can find none better, however, than the examples of Alfonso VIII. and Ferdinand III.; the former of whom used force, and the latter obtained the crown by the voluntary cession of his mother. His argument, it is clear, rests much stronger on expediency, than precedent. Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 11.
[6] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 151 et seq.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 9-11.—Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 2.—Dormer, Anales de Aragon, lib. 1, cap. 1, 13.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 572, 590, 603.—Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 53.
[7] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 158.— Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. 4.
Alvaro Gomez finds no better authority than vulgar rumor for this story. According to Robles, the cardinal, after this bravado, twirled his cordelier's belt about his fingers, saying, "he wanted nothing better than that to tame the pride of the Castilian nobles with!" But Ximenes was neither a fool nor a madman; although his over-zealous biographers make him sometimes one, and sometimes the other. Voltaire, who never lets the opportunity slip of seizing a paradox in character or conduct, speaks of Ximenes as one "qui, toujours vêtu en cordelier, met son faste à fouler sous ses sandales le faste Espagnol." Essai sur les Moeurs, chap. 121.
[8] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 13.—Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.—Sempere, Hist. des Cortès, chap. 25.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 159.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
[9] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 174 et seq.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.-Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 13.
[10] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1516, cap. 11.—Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. p. 327.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 570.— Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5.
[11] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 164, 165.—Herrera, Indias Occidentales, tom. i. p. 278.—Las Casas, Oeuvres, ed. de Llorente, tom. i. p. 239.
Robertson states the ground of Ximenes's objection to have been, the iniquity of reducing one set of men to slavery, in order to liberate another. (History of America, vol. i. p. 285.) A very enlightened reason, for which, however, I find not the least warrant in Herrera, (the authority cited by the historian,) nor in Gomez, nor in any other writer.
[12] Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i, chap. 10, art. 5.
[13] Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionis, lib. 2, tit. 2, cap. 5.—Llorente, Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 11, art. l.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 184, 185.
[14] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 2.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 189, 190.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 581.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
"Ni properaveritis," says Martyr in a letter to Marliano, Prince Charles's physician, "ruent omnia. Nescit Hispania parere non regibus, aut non legitime regnaturis. Nauseam inducit magnanimis viris hujus fratris, licet potentis et reipublicae amatoris, gubernatio. Est quippe grandis animo, et ipse, ad aedificandum literatosqne viros fovendum natus magis qnam ad imperandum, bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus gaudet." Opus Epist., epist. 573.
[15] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 198-201.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 567, 584, 590.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 3, 6.— Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 73.
[16] In a letter to Marliano, Martyr speaks of the large sums, "ab hoc gubernatore ad vos missae, sub parandae classis praetextu." (Opus Epist., epist. 576.) In a subsequent epistle to his Castilian correspondents, he speaks in a more sarcastic tone. "Bonus ille frater Ximenez Cardinalis gubernator thesauros ad Belgas transmittendos coacervavit. ***** Glacialis Oceani accolae ditabuntur, vestra expilabitur Castilla." (Epist. 606.) From some cause or other, it is evident the cardinal's government was not at all to honest Martyr's taste. Gomez suggests, as the reason, that his salary was clipped off in the general retrenchment, which he admits was a very hard case. (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 177.) Martyr, however, was never an extravagant encomiast of the cardinal, and one may imagine much more creditable reasons, than that assigned, for his disgust with him now.
[17] See a letter in Carbajal, containing this honest tribute to the illustrious dead. (Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 4.) Charles might have found an antidote to the poison of his Flemish sycophants in the faithful counsels of his Castilian ministers.
[18] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 602.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 194.-Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.
Martyr, in a letter written just before the king's landing, notices the cardinal's low state of health and spirits. "Cardinalis gubernator Matriti febribus aegrotaverat; convaluerat; nunc recidivavit. ***** Breves fore dies illius, medici automant. Est octogenario major; ipse regis adventum affectu avidissimo desiderare videtur. Sentit sine rege non rite posse corda Hispanorum moderari ac regi." Epist. 598.
[19] Flassan, Diplomatic Français, tom. i. p. 313.—Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. part. 1, no. 106.
[20] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 9.—Dormer, Anales de Aragon, lib. 1. cap. 1.—Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 43.—Dolce, Vita di. Carlo V., p. 12.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 212.—Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 83.
[21] Carbajal, Anales, MS., ubi supra.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215. —Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 84.
[22] "Cette terrible lettre qui fut la cause de sa mort," says Marsollier, plumply; a writer who is sure either to misstate or overstate. (Ministère du Card. Ximenez, p. 447.) Byron, alluding to the fate of a modern poet, ridicules the idea of
"The mind, that fiery particle,
Being extinguished by an Article!"
The frown of a critic, however, might as well prove fatal as that of a king. In both cases, I imagine, it would be hard to prove any closer connection between the two events, than that of time.
[23] "Con aquel despedimiento," says Galindez de Carbajal, "con esto acabó de tantos servicios luego que Ilegó esta carta el Cardenal rescibió alteracion y tomole recia calentnra que en pocos dias le des-pacho." (Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 9.) Gomez tells a long story of poison administered to the cardinal in a trout, (De Rebus Gestis, fol. 206.) Others say, in a letter from Flanders, (see Moreri, Dictionnaire Historique, voce Ximenes.) Oviedo notices a rumor of his having been poisoned by one of his secretaries; but vouches for the innocence of the individual accused, whom he personally knew. (Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Xim.) Reports of this kind were too rife in these days, to deserve credit, unless supported by very clear evidence. Martyr and Carbajal, both with the court at the time, intimate no suspicion of foul play.
[24] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 9.—Gomez, de Rebus Gestis, fol. 213, 214.—Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 8.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.
"'Voilà mon juge, qui prononcera bientôt ma sentence. Je le prie de tout mon coeur de me condamner, si, dans mon ministère, je me suis proposé autre chose que le bien de la religion et celui de l'état.' Le lendemain, au point du jour, il voulut recevoir l'extrême onction." Jay, Histoire du Ministère du Cardinal Richelieu, (Paris, 1816,) tom. ii. p. 217.
[25] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 215- 217.—Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 12-15; who quotes Maraño, an eye-witness.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1517, cap. 9, who dates the cardinal's death December 8th, in which he is followed by Lanuza.
The following epitaph, of no great merit, was inscribed on his sepulchre, composed by the learned John Vergara in his younger days.
"Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum,
Condor in exiguo nune ego sarcophago.
Praelextam junxi saccho, galeamque galero,
Frater, dux, praesul, cardineusque pater.
Quin virtute reel junctum est diadema cucullo,
Cum mibi regnanti paruit Hesperia."
[26] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 160.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17. —"And who can doubt," exclaimed Gonzalo de Oviedo, "that powder, against the infidel, is incense to the Lord?" Quincuagenas, MS.
[27] During this period, Ximenes "permit la condamnation," to use the mild language of Llorente, of more than 2500 individuals to the stake, and nearly 50,000 to other punishments! (Hist. de l'Inquisition, tom. i. chap. 10, art. 5; tom. iv. chap. 46.) In order to do justice to what is really good in the characters of this age, one must absolutely close his eyes against that odious fanaticism, which enters more or less into all, and into the best, unfortunately, most largely.
[28] "Persuasum haberet, non alia ratione animos humanos imperia aliorum laturos, nisi vi facta aut adhibita. Quare pro certo affirmare solebat, nullum unquam principem exteris populis formidini, aut suis reverentiae fuisse, nisi comparato militum exercitu, atque omnibus belli instrumentis ad manum paratis." (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 95.) We may well apply to the cardinal what Cato, or rather Lucan, applied to Pompey;
"Praetulit arma togae; sed pacem armatus amavit."
Pharsalia, lib. 9.
[29] "Nulla enim re magis populos insolescere, et irreverentiam omnem exhibere, quam cum libertatem loquendi nacti sunt, et pro libidine suas vulgo jactant querimonias." Gomez quotes the language of Ximenes in his correspondence with Charles. De Rebus Gestis, fol. 194.
[30] Oviedo makes a reflection, showing that he conceived the cardinal's policy better than most of his biographers. He states, that the various immunities, and the military organization, which he gave to the towns enabled them to raise the insurrection, known as the war of the "comunidades," at the beginning of Charles's reign. But he rightly considers this as only an indirect consequence of his policy, which made use of the popular arm only to break down the power of the nobles, and establish the supremacy of the crown. Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Xim.
[31] Quincuagenas, MS., ubi supra. Mr. Burke notices this noble trait, in a splendid panegyric which he poured forth on the character of Ximenes, at Sir Joshua Reynolds's table, as related by Madame d'Arblay, in the last, and not least remarkable of her productions. (Memoirs of Dr. Burney, vol. ii. pp. 231 et seq.) The orator, if the lady reports him right, notices, as two of the cardinal's characteristics, his freedom from bigotry and despotism!
[32] Their connection with so distinguished a person, however enabled most of them to form high alliances; of which Oviedo gives some account. Quincuagenas, MS.
[33] "Die, and endow a college or a cat!"
The verse is somewhat stale, but expresses, better than a page of prose can, the credit due to such posthumous benefactions, when they set aside the dearest natural ties for the mere indulgence of a selfish vanity, which motives cannot be imputed to Ximenes. He had always conscientiously abstained from appropriating his archi-episcopal revenues, as we have seen, to himself or his family. His dying bequest, therefore, was only in keeping with his whole life.
[34] The good father Quintanilla vindicates his hero's chastity, somewhat at the expense of his breeding. "His purity was unexampled," says he. "He shunned the sex, like so many evil spirits; looking on every woman as a devil, let her be never so holy. Had it not been in the way of his professional calling, it is not too much to say he would never have suffered his eyes to light on one of them!" Archetypo, p. 80.
[35] Fléchier, Histoire de Ximenés, liv. 6, p. 634.
[36] Quintanilla has given the brief of his Holiness in extenso, with commentaries thereon, twice as long. See Archeotypo, lib. 4, cap. 10.
[37] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 219.—Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 2, cap. 4. The reader may find a pendant to this anecdote in a similar one recorded of Ximenes's predecessor, the grand cardinal Mendoza, in Part II. Chapter 5, of this History. The conduct of the two primates on the occasion, was sufficiently characteristic.
[38] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, ubi supra.— Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13.—Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 2, cap. 5, 7, 8; who cites Dr. Vergara, the cardinal's friend. It is Baron Grimm, I think, who tells us of Fontenelle's habit of dropping his trumpet when the conversation did not pay him for the trouble of holding it up. The good- natured Reynolds, according to Goldsmith, could "shift his trumpet" on such an emergency also.
[39] Ximenes's head was examined some forty years after his interment, and the skull was found to be without sutures. (Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 218.) Richelieu's was found to be perforated with little holes. The abbé Richard deduces a theory from this, which may startle the physiologist even more than the facts. "On ouvrit son Test, on y trouva 12 petits trous par ou s'exhaloient les vapeurs de son cerveau, ce qui fit qu' il n'eut jamais aucun mal de tête; au lieu que le Test de Ximenés étoit sans suture, a quoi l'on attribua les effroyables douleurs de tête qu'il avoit presque toujours." Parallèle, p. 177.
[40] Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 218.
[41] A little treatise has been devoted to this very subject, entitled "Parallèle du Card. Ximenés et du Card. Richelieu, par Mons. l'Abbé Richard; à Trevoux, 1705." 222 pp. 12mo. The author, with a candor rare indeed, where national vanity is interested, strikes the balance without hesitation in favor of the foreigner Ximenes.
[42] The catalogue of the various offices of Ximenes occupies near half a page of Quintanilla. At the time of his death, the chief ones that he filled were, those of archbishop of Toledo, and consequently primate of Spain, grand chancellor of Castile, cardinal of the Roman church, inquisitor-general of Castile, and regent.