III
The foregoing examination of the relation of the mental faculty of the lower races to the higher places us in a position to examine to better advantage the other question of the relation of the intelligence of woman to that of man.
The differences in mental expression between the lower and the higher races can be expressed for the most part in terms of attention and practice. The differences in run of attention and practice are in this case due to the development of different habits by groups occupying different habitats, and consequently having no copies in common. Woman, on the other hand, exists in the white man's world of practical and scientific activity, but is excluded from full participation in it. Certain organic conditions and historical incidents have, in fact, inclosed her in habits which she neither can nor will fracture, and have also set up in the mind of man an attitude toward her which renders her almost as alien to man's interests and practices as if she were spatially separated from them.
One of the most important facts which stand out in a comparison of the physical traits of men and women is that man is a more specialized instrument for motion, quicker on his feet, with a longer reach, and fitted for bursts of energy; while woman has a greater fund of stored energy and is consequently more fitted for endurance. The development of intelligence and motion have gone along side by side in all animal forms. Through motion chances and experiences are multiplied, the whole equilibrium characterizing the stationary form is upset, and the organs of sense and the intelligence are developed to take note of and manipulate the outside world. Amid the recurrent dangers incident to a world peopled with moving and predacious forms, two attitudes may be assumed—that of fighting, and that of fleeing or hiding. As between the two, concealment and evasion became more characteristic of the female, especially among mammals, where the young are particularly helpless and need protection for a long period. She remained, therefore, more stationary, and at the same time acquired more cunning, than the male.
In mankind especially, the fact that woman had to rely on cunning and the protection of man rather than on swift motion, while man had a freer range of motion and adopted a fighting technique, was the starting-point of a differentiation in the habits and interests, which had a profound effect on the consciousness of each. Man's most immediate, most fascinating, and most remunerative occupation was the pursuit of animal life. The pursuit of this stimulated him to the invention of devices for killing and capture; and this aptitude for invention was later extended to the invention of tools and of mechanical devices in general, and finally developed into a settled habit of scientific interest. The scientific imagination which characterizes man in contrast with women is not a distinctive male trait, but represents a constructive habit of attention associated with freer movement and the pursuit of evasive animal forms. The problem of control was more difficult, and the means of securing it became more indirect, mediated, reflective, and inventive; that is, more intelligent.
Woman's activities, on the other hand, were largely limited to plant life, to her children, and to manufacture, and the stimulation to mental life and invention in connection with these was not so powerful as in the case of man. Her inventions were largely processes of manufacture connected with her handling of the by-products of the chase. So simple a matter, therefore, as relatively unrestricted motion on the part of man and relatively restricted motion on the part of woman determined the occupations of each, and these occupations in turn created the characteristic mental life of each. In man this was constructive, answering to his varied experience and the need of controlling a moving environment; and in woman it was conservative, answering to her more stationary and monotonous condition.
In early times man's superior physical force, the wider range of his experience, his mechanical inventions in connection with hunting and fighting, and his combination under leadership with his comrades to carry out their common enterprises, resulted in a contempt for the weakness of women and an almost complete separation in interest between himself and the women of the group. The men frequently formed clubs, and lived apart from the women; and even where this did not happen, the men and women had no mental life in common. To this contempt for women also was added a superstitious fear of them, growing out of the primitive belief that weakness or any other bad quality is infectious, and may be transferred by physical contact or association.[270]
From Mr. Crawley's excellent paper on "Sexual Taboo" I transcribe the following illustrations of this attitude:
In New Caledonia you rarely see men and women talking or sitting together. The women seem perfectly content with the company of their own sex. The men who loiter about with spears in most lazy fashion are seldom seen in the society of the opposite sex.... The Ojebwey, Peter Jones, thus writes of his own people: "I have scarcely ever seen anything like social intercourse between husband and wife, and it is remarkable that the women say little in the presence of the men." The Zulus regard their women with a haughty contempt. If a man were going to the bush to cut firewood with his wives, he and they would take different paths, and neither go nor return in company. If he were going to visit a neighbor and wished his wife to go also, she would follow at a distance. In Senegambia the women live by themselves, rarely with their husbands, and their sex is virtually a clique. In Egypt a man never converses with his wife, and in the tomb they are separated by a wall, though males and females are not usually buried in the same vault.[271]
Amongst the Dacotas custom and superstition ordain that the wife must carefully keep away from all that belongs to her husband's sphere of action. The Bechuanas never allow their women to touch their cattle; accordingly the men have to plow themselves.... In Guiana no woman may go near the hut where ourali is made. In the Marquesas Islands the use of canoes is prohibited to the female sex by tabu: the breaking of the rule is punished with death. Conversely, amongst the same people tapa-making belongs exclusively to the women: when they are making it for their own headdresses it is tabu for the men to touch it. In Nicaragua all the marketing was done by the women. A man might not enter the market nor even see the proceedings at the risk of a beating.... In Samoa where the manufacture of cloth is allotted solely to the women, it is a degradation for a man to engage in any detail of the process.... An Eskimo thinks it an indignity to row in an umiak, the large boat used by women. The different offices of husband and wife are also clearly distinguished; for example, when he has brought his booty to land it would be a stigma on his character if he so much as drew a seal ashore, and generally it is regarded as scandalous for a man to interfere with what is the work of women. In British Guiana cooking is the province of the women, as elsewhere; on one occasion when the men were compelled perforce to bake some bread they were only persuaded to do so with the utmost difficulty, and were ever after pointed at as old women.[272]
Amongst the Barea, man and wife seldom share the same bed; the reason they give is that the breath of the wife weakens the husband.... The Khyoungthas have a legend of a man who reduced a king and his men to a condition of feebleness by persuading them to dress up as women and perform female duties. When they had thus been rendered effeminate they were attacked and defeated without a blow.... Contempt for female timidity has caused a curious custom amongst the Gallas: they amputate the mammae of the boys soon after birth, believing that no warrior can possibly be brave who possesses them, and that they should belong to women only.... Amongst the Lhoosais when a man is unable to do his work, whether through laziness, cowardice or bodily incapacity, he is dressed in women's clothes and has to associate and work with the women. Amongst the Pomo Indians of California, when a man becomes too infirm for a warrior he is made a menial and assists the squaws.... When the Delawares were denationized by the Iroquois and prohibited from going to war they were according to the Indian notion "made women," and were henceforth to confine themselves to the pursuits appropriate to women.[273]
Women were still further degraded by the development of property and its control by man, together with the habit of treating her as a piece of property, whose value was enhanced if its purity was assured and demonstrable. As a result of this situation, man's chief concern in women became an interest in securing the finest specimens for his own use, in guarding them with jealous care from contact with other men, and in making them, together with the ornaments they wore, signs of his wealth and social standing. The instances below are extreme ones, taken from lower social stages than our own, but they differ only in degree from the chaperonage of modern Europe:
I heard from a teacher about some strange custom connected with some of the young girls here [New Ireland], so I asked the chief to take me to the house where they were. The house was about twenty-five feet in length and stood in a reed and bamboo enclosure, across the entrance of which a bundle of dried grass was suspended to show that it was strictly tabu. Inside the house there were three conical structures about seven or eight feet in height, and about ten or twelve feet in circumference at the bottom, and for about four feet from the ground, at which point they tapered off to a point at the top. These cages were made of the broad leaves of the pandanus tree, sewn quite close together so that no light, and little or no air could enter. On one side of each is an opening which is closed by a double door of plaited cocoanut tree and pandanus tree leaves. About three feet from the ground there is a stage of bamboos which forms the floor. In each of these cages, we were told there was a young woman confined, each of whom had to remain for at least four or five years without ever being allowed to go outside the house. I could scarcely credit the story when I heard it; the whole thing seemed too horrible to be true. I spoke to the chief and told him that I wished to see the inside of the cages, and also to see the girls that I might make them a present of a few beads.... [A girl having been allowed to come out] I then went to inspect the inside of the cage out of which she had come, but could scarcely put my head inside of it, the atmosphere was so hot and stifling. It was clean and contained nothing but a few short lengths of bamboo for holding water. There was only room for the girl to sit or lie down in a crouched position on the bamboo platform, and when the doors are shut it must be nearly or quite dark inside. They are never allowed to come out except once a day to bathe in a dish or wooden bowl placed close to the cage. They say that they perspire profusely. They are placed in these stifling cages when quite young, and must remain there until they are young women, when they are taken out and have each a great marriage feast prepared for them. One of them was about fourteen or fifteen years old, and the chief told me that she had been there for five years, but would soon be taken out now. The other two were about eight and ten years old, and they have to stay there for several years longer. I asked if they never died, but they said "No."[274]
They [the Azande] are extremely jealous of their womenfolk, whom they do not permit to live in the same village with themselves. The women's village is generally in the bush, about 200 yards or so distant from that of the chief. Women are never seen in an Azande village, the pathway to their own being kept secret from all outsiders. This system while being something like that observed by the Arabs, has the important distinction that the women are not shut up. They are free to come and go and do what they like, except visit the men's village. In common with the entire native population of Central Africa, the custom among the Zande is that the men do no work that is not connected with the chase or the manufacture of implements. All agriculture is carried on by the women.[275]
From the time of engagement until marriage a young lady is required to maintain the strictest seclusion. Whenever friends call upon her parents she is expected to retire to the inner apartments, and in all her actions and words guard her conduct with careful solicitude. She must use a close sedan whenever she visits her relations, and in her intercourse with her brothers and the domestics in the household maintain great reserve. Instead of having any opportunity to form those friendships and acquaintances with her own sex which among ourselves become a source of much pleasure at the time and advantage in after life, the Chinese maiden is confined to the circle of her relations and her immediate neighbors. She has few of the pleasing remembrances and associations that are usually connected with school-day life, nor has she often the ability or opportunity to correspond by letter with girls of her own age. Seclusion at this time of life, and the custom of crippling the feet, combine to confine women in the house almost as much as the strictest laws against their appearing abroad; for in girlhood, as they know only a few persons except relatives, and can make very few acquaintances after marriage their circle of friends contracts rather than enlarges as life goes on. This privacy impels girls to learn as much of the world as they can, and among the rich their curiosity is gratified through maid-servants, match-makers, peddlers, visitors, and others.[276]
The world of white civilization is intellectually rich because it has amassed a rich fund of general ideas, and has organized these into specialized bodies of knowledge, and has also developed a special technique for the presentation of this knowledge and standpoint to the young members of society, and for localizing their attention in special fields of interest. When for any reason a class of society is excluded from this process, as women have been historically, it must necessarily remain ignorant. But, while no one would make any question that women confined as these in New Ireland and China, as shown above, must have an intelligence as restricted as their mode of life, we are apt to lose sight altogether of the fact that chivalry and chaperonage and modern convention are the persistence of the old race habit of contempt for women, and of their intellectual sequestration. Men and women still form two distinct classes and are not in free communication with each other. Not only are women unable and unwilling to be communicated with directly, unconventionally, and truly on many subjects, but men are unwilling to talk to them. I do not have in mind situations involving questions of propriety or delicacy alone, but a certain habit of restraint, originating doubtless in matters relating to sex, extends to all intercourse with women, with the result that they are not really admitted to the intellectual world of men; and there is not only a reluctance on the part of men to admit them, but a reluctance—or, rather, a real inability—on their part to enter. Modesty with reference to personal habits has become so ingrained and habitual, and to do anything freely is so foreign to woman, that even free thought is almost of the nature of an immodesty in her.
In connection also with the adventitious position of woman referred to in another paper,[277] the feminine interests and habits are set so strongly toward dress and personal display that they are not readily diverted. Women may and do protest against the triviality of their lives, but emotional interests are more immediate than intellectual ones, and human nature does not drift into intellectual pursuit voluntarily, but is forced into it in connection with the urgency of practical activities. The women who are obliged to work are of the poorer classes, and have not that leisure and opportunity preliminary to any specialized acquirement; while those who have leisure are supported in that position both by money and by precedent and habit, and have no immediate stimulation to lift them out of it. They sometimes entertain ideas of freedom and plan occupational interests, but they have usually become thoroughly habituated to their unfreedom, and continue to feed from the hand.
Custom lies upon them with a weight
Heavy as frost and deep almost as life.
The usual reasoning as to the ability of women also overlooks the fact that many women are larger and stronger than many men, and some of them possessed of tremendous energy, will, wit, endurance, and sagacity. This type appears in all classes of society, but more frequently in the lower classes and among peasants, both because the natural qualities are less glozed over there by aristocratic custom, and because these classes are bred truer to nature. Unfortunately, the attention of the women of these classes is limited to very immediate concerns; but, on the other hand, they present the true qualities of the female type, and few, I believe, will deny that the peasant woman described below would shine in intellectual walks if fate had called her there:
Mother was a large, stout, full-blooded woman of great strength. She could not read or write, and yet she was well thought of. There are all sorts of educations, and though reading and writing are very well in their way, they would not have done mother any good. She had the sort of education that was needed in her work. Nobody knew more about raising vegetables, ducks, chickens and pigeons than she did. There were some among the neighbors who could read and write and so thought themselves above mother, but when they went to market they found their mistake. Her peas, beans, cauliflower, cabbages, pumpkins, melons, potatoes, beets, and onions sold for the highest price of any, and that ought to show whose education was the best, because it is the highest education that produces the finest work.
Mother used to take me frequently to the market.... The market women were a big, rough, fat, jolly set, who did not know what sickness was, and it might have been well for me if I had stayed among them and grown up like mother. One time in the market-place I saw a totally different set of women. It was about 8 o'clock in the morning, when some people began to shout: "Here come the rich Americans! Now we will sell things!" We saw a large party of travelers coming through the crowd. They looked very queer. Their clothes seemed queer, as they were so different from ours. They wore leather boots instead of wooden shoes, and they all looked weak and pale. The women were tall and thin, like beanpoles, and their shoulders were stooped and narrow; most of them wore glasses or spectacles, showing that their eyes were weak. The corners of their mouths were all pulled down, and their faces were crossed and crisscrossed with lines and wrinkles, as though they were carrying all the care of the world. Our women all began to laugh and dance and shout at the strangers.... The sight of these people gave me my first idea of America. I heard that the women there never worked, laced themselves too tightly, and were always ill.[278]
The French dressmaker who wrote this passage has the true idea of education and of mind. The mind is an organ for controlling the environment, and it is a safe general principle that the mind which shows high power in the manipulation of a simple situation will show the same quality of efficiency in a more complex one.
The savage, the peasant, the poor man, and woman are not what we call intellectual, because they are not taught to know and manipulate the materials of knowledge. The savage is outside the process from geographical reasons; the peasant is not in the center of interest; the poor man's needs are pressing, and do not permit of interests of a mediate character; and woman does not participate because it is neither necessary nor womanly.
Even the most serious women of the present day stand, in any work they undertake, in precisely the same relation to men that the amateur stands to the professional in games. They may be desperately interested and may work to the limit of endurance at times; but, like the amateur, they got into the game late, and have not had a life-time of practice, or they do not have the advantage of that pace gained only by competing incessantly with players of the very first rank. No one will contend that the amateur in billiards has a nervous organization less fitted to the game than the professional; it is admitted that the difference lies in the constant practice of the professional, the more exacting standards prevailing in the professional ranks, and constant play in "fast company." A group of women would make a sorry spectacle in competition with a set of men who made billiards their life-work. But how sad a spectacle the eminent philosophers of the world would make in the same competition!
Scientific pursuits and the allied intellectual occupations are a game which women have entered late, and their lack of practice is frequently mistaken for lack of natural ability. Writing some years ago of the women in his classes at the University of Zürich, Professor Carl Vogt said:
At lectures the young women are models of attention and application; perhaps they even make too great effort to carry home in black and white what they have heard. They generally sit in the front seats, because they register early, and, moreover, because they come early, long before the lecture begins. But it is noticeable that they give only a superficial glance at the preparations which the professor passes around. Sometimes they pass them to their neighbor without even looking at them; a longer examination would prevent their taking notes.
On examination the conduct of the young women is the same as during the lectures. They know better than the young men. To employ a classroom expression, they are enormously crammed. Their memory is good, so that they know perfectly how to give the answer to the question which is put. But generally they stop there. An indirect question makes them lose the thread. As soon as the examiner appeals to individual reason, the examination is over; they do not answer. The examiner seeks to make the sense of the question clearer, and uses a word, perhaps, which is in the manuscript of the student, when, pop! the thing goes as if you had pressed the button of a telephone. If the examination consisted solely in written or oral replies to questions on subjects which have been treated in the lectures or which could be read up on in the manuals, the ladies would always secure brilliant results. But, alas! there are other practical tests in which the candidate finds herself face to face with reality, and that she cannot meet successfully unless she has done practical work in the laboratories, and it is there the shoe pinches.
The respect in which laboratory work is particularly difficult to women—one would hardly believe it—is that they are often very awkward and clumsy with their hands. The assistants in the laboratories are unanimous in their complaint; they are pursued with questions about the most trifling things, and one woman gives them more trouble than three men. One would think the delicate fingers of these young women adapted especially to microscopic work, to the manipulation of small slides, to cutting thin sections, to making the most delicate preparations; the truth is quite the contrary. You can tell the table of a woman at a glance: from the fragments of glass, broken instruments, the broken scalpels, the spoiled preparations. There are doubtless exceptions, but they are exceptions.[279]
Zürich was among the first of the European universities opening their doors to women, and it is particularly interesting to see their first efforts in connection with the higher learning. Without a wide experience of life, and without practice in constructive thinking, they naturally fell back on the memory to retain a hold on results in a field with which they were not sufficiently trained to operate in it independently. It is frequently alleged, and is implied in Professor Vogt's report, that women are distinguished by good memories and poor powers of generalization. But this is to mistake the facts. A tenacious memory is characteristic of women and children, and of all persons unskilled in the manipulation of varied experiences in thought. But when the mind is able at any moment to construct a result from the raw materials of experience, the memory loses something of its tenacity and absoluteness. In this sense it may even be said that a good memory for details is a sign of an untrained or imitative mind. As the mind becomes more inventive, the memory is less concerned with the details of knowledge and more with the knowledge of places to find the details when they are needed in any special problem.
The awkwardness in manual manipulation shown by these girls was also surely due to lack of practice. The fastest typewriter in the world is today a woman; the record for roping steers (a feat depending on manual dexterity rather than physical force) is held by a woman; and anyone who will watch girls making change before the pneumatic tubes in the great department stores about Christmas time will experience the same wonder one feels on first seeing a professional gambler shuffling cards.
In short, Professor Vogt's report on women students is just what was to be expected in Germany forty years ago. The American woman, with the enjoyment of greater liberty, has made an approach toward the standards of professional scholarship, and some individuals stand at the very top in their university studies and examinations. The trouble with these cases is that they are either swept away and engulfed by the modern system of marriage, or find themselves excluded in some intangible way from association with men in the fullest sense, and no career open to their talents.
The personal liberty of women is, comparatively speaking, so great in America, suggestion and copies for imitation are spread broadcast so copiously in the schools, newspapers, books, and lectures, and occupations and interests are becoming so varied, that a number of women of natural ability and character are realizing some definite aim in a perfect way. But these are sporadic cases, representing usually some definite interest rather than a full intellectual life, and resembling also in their nature and rarity the elevation of a peasant to a position of eminence in Europe. Nowhere in the world do women as a class lead a perfectly free intellectual life in common with the men of the group, unless it be in restricted and artificial groups like the modern revolutionary party in Russia.
Even in America a number of the great schools are not coeducational, and in those which are so, many of the instructors claim that they do not find it possible to treat with the men and women on precisely the same basis, both because of their own mental attitude toward mixed classes and the inability of the women to receive such treatment. In the case of women also we can say what Mr. Smith says of the Chinese and their system of education, that it is impossible not to marvel at the results they accomplish in view of the system under which they work.
The mind and the personality are largely built up by suggestion from the outside, and if the suggestions are limited and particular, so will be the mind. The world of modern intellectual life is in reality a white man's world. Few women and perhaps no blacks have ever entered this world in the fullest sense. To enter it in the fullest sense would be to be in it at every moment from the time of birth to the time of death, and to absorb it unconsciously and consciously, as the child absorbs language. When something like this happens, we shall be in a position to judge of the mental efficiency of woman and the lower races. At present we seem justified in inferring that the differences in mental expression between the higher and lower races and between men and women are no greater than they should be in view of the existing differences in opportunity.
Indeed, when we take into consideration the superior cunning as well as the superior endurance of women, we may even raise the question whether their capacity for intellectual work is not under equal conditions greater than in men. Cunning is the analogue of constructive thought—an indirect, mediated, and intelligent approach to a problem—and characteristic of the female, in contrast with the more direct and open procedure of the male. Owing to the limited and personal nature of the activities of woman, this trait has expressed itself historically in womankind as intrigue rather than invention, but that it is very deeply based in the instincts is shown by the important rôle it plays in the life of the female in animal life. Endurance is also a factor of prime importance in intellectual performance, for here as in business life "it is doggedness as does it;" and if woman's endurance and natural ingenuity were combined in intellectual pursuits, it might prove that the gray mare is the better horse in this field as well as in peasant life. The most serious objection, also, to the view that woman is fitted to do continuous and hard work, arises from her relation to child-bearing; but this is at bottom trivial. The period of child-bearing is not only not continuous through life, but it is not serious from the standpoint of the time lost. No work is without interruption, and child-birth is an incident in the life of normal woman of no more significance, when viewed in the aggregate and from the standpoint of time, than the interruption of the work of men by their in-and out-of-door games. The important point in all work is not to be uninterrupted, but to begin again.
Whether the characteristic mental life of women and the lower races will prove to be identical with those of the white man or different in quality is a different question, and problematical. It is certain, at any rate, that our civilization is not of the highest type possible. In all our relations there is too much of primitive man's fighting instinct and technique; and it is not impossible that the participation of woman and the lower races will contribute new elements, change the stress of attention, disturb the equilibrium, and force a crisis which will result in the reconstruction of our habits on more sympathetic and equitable principles. Certain it is that no civilization can remain the highest if another civilization adds to the intelligence of its men the intelligence of its women.
FOOTNOTES
1: [(return)]
Cf. Geddes and Thomson, The Evolution of Sex passim.
2: [(return)]
Havelock Ellis, Man and Woman, has brought together a mass of very valuable material on the question of the somatic and psychic differences of man and woman, and H. Campbell, in a volume of much the same scope, Differences in the Nervous Organization of Man and Woman, has given a résumé of the theory of Geddes and Thomson, and suggested its extension to the human species.
3: [(return)]
C. Düsing, (1) Die Regulirung des Geschlechtsverhältnisses bei der Vermehrung der Menschen, Thiere und Pflanzen. (2) Das Geschlechtsverhältniss der Geburten in Preussen.
4: [(return)]
H. Ploss, "Ueber die das Geschlechtsverhältniss der Kinder bedingenden Ursachen," Monatsschrift für Geburtskunde und Frauenkrankheiten, Vol. XII, pp. 321-60.
5: [(return)]
E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, pp. 470-83.
6: [(return)]
Düsing, Das Geschlechtsverhältniss der Geburten in Preussen, pp. 29-33.
7: [(return)]
Düsing, loc. cit., pp. 14-19.
8: [(return)]
H. Ploss, Das Weib in der Natur- und Völkerkunde, 3. Aufl., Vol. I, p. 419.
9: [(return)]
Axel Key, "Die Pubertätsentwickelung und das Verhältniss derselben zu den Krankheitserscheinungen der Schuljugend," Verhandlungen des X. Internationalen Medicinischen Congresses, 1890, Vol. I, p. 91.
10: [(return)]
Ibid., pp. 84-90.
11: [(return)]
Geddes and Thompson, loc. cit., Book I, chap. 4.
12: [(return)]
Rolph, quoted by Geddes and Thompson, loc. cit., Book I, chap. 4.
13: [(return)]
Geddes and Thompson, ibid.
14: [(return)]
G. Klebs, Ueber das Verhältniss des männlichen und weiblichen Geschlechts in der Natur, p. 19.
15: [(return)]
Food affords the basis for metabolic changes in the parent organism, but it is probable that food is less directly related than heat and light to the determination of sex. Sachs, whose experiments must be given the greatest possible weight, has determined that the ultra-violet rays of light are necessary to the chemical changes essential to the formation of the reproductive organs. (J. Sachs, "Ueber die Wirkung der ultravioletten Strahlen auf die Blüthenbildung," Gesammelte Abhandlungen über Pflanzen-Physiologie, Vol. I, pp. 293ff.) More recently, Klebs has shown that by diminishing the intensity of light the development of female sex organs in ferns can be interrupted, so that, in spite of the presence of male organs, fertilization is impossible; at the same time, the prothallia are enabled in weak light to grow feebly and to put out small asexual processes, which in the presence of bright light become normal prothallia. Similarly, the development of sexual organs in algae is dependent on a certain intensity of light, and the plant remains sterile if the light is diminished below a certain point. (G. Klebs, Ueber einige Probleme der Physiologie der Fortpflanzung, pp. 13-16.)
16: [(return)]
E. Maupas, "Théorie de la sexualité des Infusoires ciliés," Comptes rendus, Vol. CV, pp. 356ff.
17: [(return)]
The extinction took place at about the 330th generation in Onychodromus grandis, at about the 320th generation in Stylonichia mytilis, at about the 330th generation in Leucophrys patula, and at about the 660th generation in Oxytricha (indeterminate). (Maupas, loc. cit., p. 358.)
18: [(return)]
Maupas, loc. cit., p. 358. Later investigations have tended to discredit Maupas' experiments as a whole by showing that the Infusorians with which he experimented can be kept alive indefinitely by a change of diet, without the aid of sexual conjugation. This merely confirms the view, however, that abundant nutrition and crossing are alike favorable to health: "We must admire the skill of the investigator who was able to keep his colonies alive for months and years under such artificial conditions, but we may venture to doubt whether the fate of extinction which did ultimately overtake them was really due to the absence of conjugation, and not to the unnaturalness of the conditions." A. Weismann, The Evolution of Theory, Vol. I, p. 329.
Since the above was written, Calkins has made a series of new experiments, the results of which differed in several respects from those yielded by Maupas' experiments. When his infusorian cultures began to grow weaker, as happened frequently and at irregular intervals, he was always able to restore them to more vigorous life by a change of diet, and especially by substituting grated meat, liver, and the like for infusions of hay. Certain salts too, had the same effect; the animals became perfectly vigorous again. Calkins believes that chemical agents, and especially salts, must be supplied to the protoplasm from time to time. He reared 620 generations of Paramoecium without conjugation. But the 620th was weakly and without energy. The addition of an extract of sheep's brains made them perfectly fresh and vigorous again. Further experiments in this direction are to be desired, but, according to those of Calkins, it is probable that Infusorians can continue to live for an unlimited time even without conjugation. (Ibid., note.)
19: [(return)]
Westermarck, loc. cit., pp. 476-83, following a suggestion of Düsing, has brought together much of the evidence on this point, but the application of the facts here made has not, I believe, been suggested.
20: [(return)]
A. von Oettingen, Die Moralstatistik, 3. Aufl., p. 56.
21: [(return)]
Düsing, Die Regulirung des Geschlechtsverhältnisses, p. 237.
22: [(return)]
Westermarck, loc. cit., pp. 479 and 481 n.
23: [(return)]
Cf. ibid., pp. 476-83.
24: [(return)]
G. Delaunay, "De l'égalité et inégalité des deux sexes," Revue scientifique, September 3, 1881; C. Darwin, Descent of Man, chap. 10.
25: [(return)]
A. Weismann, Essays on Heredity, Vol. I, "The Duration of Life," has shown that size and longevity are determined by natural selection.
26: [(return)]
Darwin, Descent of Man, chap. 8.
27: [(return)]
Ibid.
28: [(return)]
A.R. Wallace, Contributions to the Theory of Natural Selection, chap. 3.
29: [(return)]
"If we take the highly decorated species—that is, animals marked by alternate dark or light bands or spots, such as the zebra, some deer, or the carnivora—we find, first, that the region of the spinal column is marked by a dark stripe; secondly, that the regions of the appendages, or limbs, are differently marked; thirdly, that the flanks are striped or spotted along or between the regions of the lines of the ribs; fourthly, that the shoulder and hip regions are marked by curved lines; fifthly, that the pattern changes, and the direction of the lines or spots, at the head, neck, and every joint of the limbs; and, lastly, that the tips of the ears, nose, tail, and the feet and the eye are emphasized in color. In spotted animals the greatest length of the spot is generally in the direction of the largest development of the skeleton."—A. Tylor, Coloration in Animals and Plants, p. 92.
30: [(return)]
A.R. Wallace, Darwinism, chap. 10.
31: [(return)]
Professor Carl Pearson, in a severe, not to say unmannerly, paper ("Variation in Man and Woman," The Chances of Death, Vol. I), has criticized some of the results of the physical anthropologists and attempted to show that the theory of the greater variability of man has no legs to stand on. His argument is mainly statistical, and affects, perhaps, some of the details of the theory, but not, I think, the theory as a whole.
32: [(return)]
Darwin, loc. cit., chap. 19.
33: [(return)]
P. Topinard, Éléments d'anthropologie générale, p. 253.
34: [(return)]
Delaunay, loc. cit.
35: [(return)]
Weisbach, "Der deutsche Weiberschadel," Archiv für Anthropologie, Vol. III, p. 66.
36: [(return)]
Topinard, loc. cit., p. 375.
37: [(return)]
Topinard, loc. cit., p. 1066.
38: [(return)]
Topinard's figures (loc. cit., p. 1066) show, however, that the Eskimos and the Tasmanians have a shorter trunk than the Europeans.
39: [(return)]
J. Ranke, "Beiträge zur physischen Anthropologie der Bayern," Beiträge zur Anthropologie und Urgeschichte Bayerns, Vol. VIII, p. 65.
40: [(return)]
Morphological differences are less in low than in high races, and the less civilized the race, the less is the physical difference of the sexes. In the higher races the men are both more unlike one another than in the lower races, and at the same time more unlike the women of their own race. But, while some of these differences may probably be justly set down as congenital, as representing varieties of the species which have passed through different variational experiences, they are doubtless mainly due to the fact that the activities of men and women are more unlike in the higher than in the lower races.
41: [(return)]
J.W. Seaver, Anthropometric Table, 1889.
42: [(return)]
Delphine Hanna, Anthropometric Table 1891.
43: [(return)]
Where a large body of men are intensely interested in a competition, as over against a small body of women not seriously interested, any comparison of results is almost out of the question. But the superior physical strength of man is, I believe, disputed in no quarter. The Vassar records have been improved in succeeding years (the 100-yard dash was 13 seconds in 1904, the running high jump 4 feet 2-1/2 inches in 1905, the running broad jump 14 feet 6-1/2 inches in 1904), but Miss Harriet Isabel Ballantine, director of the Vassar College Gymnasium, writes me: "I do not believe women can ever, no matter what the training, approach man in their physical achievements; and I see no reason why they should."
44: [(return)]
Helen B. Thompson, The Mental Traits of Sex, p. 178. "While it is improbable that all the difference of the sexes with regard to physical strength can be attributed to persistent difference in training, it is certain that a large part of the difference is explicable on this ground. The great strength of savage women and the rapid increase in strength of civilized women wherever systematic physical training has been introduced both show the importance of this factor."—Ibid., p. 178.
45: [(return)]
"Physical and Mental Deviations from the Normal among Children in Public Elementary and Other Schools," Report of the Sixty-fourth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1894. pp. 434ff.
46: [(return)]
A. Mitchell, "Some Statistics of Idiocy," Edinburgh Medical Journal, Vol. XI, p. 639.
47: [(return)]
"Koch's Statistics of Insanity," Journal of Mental Science, Vol. XXVI, p. 435.
48: [(return)]
Mayr, Die Verbreitung der Blindheit, der Taubstummheit, des Blödsinns und des Irrsinns in Baiern, p. 100.
49: [(return)]
Cf. Campbell, loc. cit., pp. 146ff.
50: [(return)]
Ibid., pp. 132-40.
51: [(return)]
J.H. Manley, "Harelip," International Medical Journal, Vol. II, pp. 209ff.
52: [(return)]
Communications of the Massachusetts Medical Society, Vol. II, No. 3, p. 9.
53: [(return)]
Of the 3,956 individuals examined, 1,645 were males, and of these 47 (2.857 per cent.) presented supernumerary nipples. Of the 3,956 individuals 2,311 were females, and of these 14 (0.605 per cent.) presented supernumerary mammae or nipples. That is, this anomaly was found to occur more than four times as frequently in men as in women.—J. Mitchell Bruce, "On Supernumerary Nipples and Mammae," Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, Vol. XIII, p. 432.
Leichtenstern, however, whose investigations were of earlier date than those of Bruce, says that supernumerary mammae occur with about equal frequency in the two sexes.—Leichtenstern, "Ueber das Vorkommen und die Bedeutung supernumerärer Brüste und Brustwarzen," Virchow's Archiv für pathologische Anatomie, Vol. LXXIII, p. 238.
54: [(return)]
Ellis, loc. cit. (4th ed.), pp. 413ff.
55: [(return)]
Lombroso e Ferrero, La donna delinquente, chap. 12.
56: [(return)]
Hyrtl, of Vienna, however, examined thirty subjects, and found the anomaly in question only three times, and exclusively in females. He attributed it to tight lacing. D.J. Cunningham, "The Occasional Eighth True Rib in Man," Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, Vol. XXIV, p. 127.
57: [(return)]
H. Campbell, loc. cit., p. 133.
58: [(return)]
Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 14; Campbell, loc. cit., pp. 199-215; Ploss, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 313.
59: [(return)]
A. Hegar, Der Geschlechtstrieb, p. 7.
60: [(return)]
H. Campbell, loc. cit., p. 115.
61: [(return)]
J. Hayem, Du sang et de ses alterations anatomiques, pp. 184, 185.
62: [(return)]
E. Lloyd Jones, "Further Observations on the Specific Gravity of the Blood in Health and Disease", Journal of Physiology, Vol. XII, pp. 299ff.
63: [(return)]
O. Leichtenstern, Untersuchungen über den Hæmoglobulingehalt des Blutes, p. 38.
64: [(return)]
Loc. cit., pp. 316ff.
65: [(return)]
Ibid., pp. 316ff.
66: [(return)]
E. Bourgoin, art. "Urines", Dictionnaire encyclopédique des sciences médicales.
67: [(return)]
Delaunay, loc. cit.
68: [(return)]
Delaunay, loc. cit.; Ploss, Das Weib, Vol. I, pp. 36, 37; Ellis, loc. cit., pp. 231ff.
69: [(return)]
Ellis, loc. cit., p. 252.
70: [(return)]
Campbell, loc. cit., pp. 117 and 119.
71: [(return)]
Max Bartels, "Culturelle und Rassenunterschiede in Bezug auf die Wundkrankheiten". Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Vol. XX, p. 183.
72: [(return)]
Legouest, art. "Amputations", Dictionnaire encyclopédique des sciences médicales.
73: [(return)]
Ellis, loc. cit., p. 132.
74: [(return)]
A. von Oettingen, loc. cit., p. 780.
75: [(return)]
Lombroso e Ferrero, loc. cit., chap. 16.
76: [(return)]
Lombroso e Ferrero, loc. cit., chap. 16.
77: [(return)]
P. xxi, Table F, quoted by Campbell, loc. cit., p. 124.
78: [(return)]
B.A. Whitelegge, "Milroy Lectures on Changes of Type in Epidemic Diseases," British Medical Journal, March 18, 1893.
79: [(return)]
A. Newsholme, Vital Statistics, 3d ed., p. 178.
80: [(return)]
W. Farr, Vital Statistics, p. 385.
81: [(return)]
Mortality from cancer is, however, much higher in women than in men. Newsholme, loc. cit., p. 208.
82: [(return)]
Ploss, Das Weib, Vol. I, p. 26.
83: [(return)]
Von Oettingen, loc. cit., p. 58.
84: [(return)]
Ploss, Das Weib, Vol. I, p. 207.
85: [(return)]
Ellis, loc. cit., p. 432.
86: [(return)]
Ploss, Das Weib, Vol. I, p. 206.
87: [(return)]
Depaul, art. "Nouveau-né," Dictionnaire encyclopédique des sciences médicales.
88: [(return)]
B. Ornstein, "Makrobiotisches aus Griechenland," Archiv für Anthropologie Vol. XVII, pp. 193ff.
89: [(return)]
G. Mayr, Die Gesetzmässigkeit im Gesellschaftsleben (1877), p. 144.
90: [(return)]
V. Turquan, "Statistique des centénaires," Revue scientifique September 1, 1888.
91: [(return)]
Lombroso e Ferrero, loc. cit., chap. 10.
92: [(return)]
E. Lloyd Jones, "Further Observations on the Specific Gravity of the Blood in Health and Disease," Journal of Physiology, Vol. XII, p. 308.
93: [(return)]
Cf. Topinard, Loc. cit., pp. 517-25, 557, 558.
94: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 559.
95: [(return)]
H. Ploss, Das Weib in der Natur—und Völkerkunde, 3. Aufl., Vol. II, p. 379.
96: [(return)]
Endogamous tribes have survived, in the main, in isolated regions where competition was not sufficiently sharp to set a premium on exogamy. It may be assumed that the history of exogamous groups has been more cataclysmical.
97: [(return)]
L.H. Morgan, Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines, p. 64.
98: [(return)]
Loc. cit.
99: [(return)]
W.J. McGee, "The Beginning of Marriage," American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, p. 376.
100: [(return)]
E.B. Tylor, "The Matriarchal Family System," Nineteenth Century, July, 1896, p. 89.
101: [(return)]
Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, pp. 33ff.
102: [(return)]
F. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 438.
103: [(return)]
J. Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, Vol. II, p. 57.
104: [(return)]
Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, p. 151.
105: [(return)]
Tylor, loc. cit., p. 87.
106: [(return)]
W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia, p. 65.
107: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 94.
108: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 173.
109: [(return)]
Gen. 24:5, 53.
110: [(return)]
Gen. 31:43.
111: [(return)]
Judg. 8:19.
112: [(return)]
Judg. 15.
113: [(return)]
Cf. Smith, loc. cit., 176.
114: [(return)]
II Sam. 13:13.
115: [(return)]
G.A. Wilken, Das Matriarchat, p. 41.
116: [(return)]
Herodotus (Rawlinson), I, 173.
117: [(return)]
Ibid., III, 119.
118: [(return)]
Lines 905ff.
119: [(return)]
E.J. Simcox, Primitive Civilisations, Vol. I, pp. 200-11, 233, et passim.
120: [(return)]
Notably, Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, pp. 100ff.
121: [(return)]
Dissertation on Early Law and Custom, p. 202.
122: [(return)]
It prepares the way, however, only in the sense that it furnishes the mass out of which the organization arises. If there had been no social grouping through reproduction, there would yet have been ultimately filiation of men for the sake of mutually profitable enterprises. Blood-brotherhood and the treaty are devices indicating that early man had sufficient inventive imagination to do this. The tribal group may, in fact, be described as a fighting male organization living in a group of females.
123: [(return)]
See L. von Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht.
124: [(return)]
J.W. Powell, "Wyandot Government", First Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1879-80, pp. 61ff.
125: [(return)]
Waitz-Gerland, Anthropologie der Naturvölker, Vol. V, pp. 107ff.
126: [(return)]
Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, Vol. II, p. 50.
127: [(return)]
C.N. Starcke, The Primitive Family, p. 37.
128: [(return)]
H.R. Schoolcraft, History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. V, p. 167.
129: [(return)]
Ibid., pp. 174-76.
130: [(return)]
Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, Vol. I, p. 351.
131: [(return)]
Ibid., Vol. I, p. 219.
132: [(return)]
A. Hovelaque, Les Nègres, p. 316.
133: [(return)]
Von Dargun, loc. cit., p. 5.
134: [(return)]
Waitz-Gerland, loc. cit., Vol. VI, pp. 774ff.
135: [(return)]
McGee, loc. cit., p. 374.
136: [(return)]
Schoolcraft, loc. cit., Vol. V, p. 654.
137: [(return)]
Lieutenant Musters, "On the Races of Patagonia", Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. I, p. 201.
138: [(return)]
R. Steinmetz, Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe, Vol. II, p. 272.
139: [(return)]
A. Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage el de la famille, p. 440.
140: [(return)]
Von Dargun, loc. cit., p. 119.
141: [(return)]
J.F. McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, p. 235.
142: [(return)]
E.M. Curr, The Australian Race, Vol. I, p. 107.
143: [(return)]
Steinmetz, loc. cit., Vol. II, p. 273.
144: [(return)]
F. Boas, "On the Indians of British Columbia", Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1889, p. 838.
145: [(return)]
Von Dargun, loc. cit., 121-25.
146: [(return)]
Smith, loc. cit., p. 101.
147: [(return)]
Spencer, Descriptive Sociology, Vol. V, p. 8, quoting Petherick, Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa, pp. 140-44.
148: [(return)]
H.H. Bancroft, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 506.
149: [(return)]
Simcox, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 211.
150: [(return)]
Ibid.
151: [(return)]
Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 169.
152: [(return)]
Waitz-Gerland, loc. cit., Vol. VI, p. 20.
153: [(return)]
Ellis, Tour through Hawaii, p. 391.
154: [(return)]
Waitz-Gerland, loc. cit., Vol. VI, pp. 201-3.
155: [(return)]
J. Lippert, Kulturgeschichte, Vol. II, p. 342.
156: [(return)]
C.C. Closson, "The Hierarchy of European Races." American Journal of Sociology, Vol. III, pp. 315ff.
157: [(return)]
William James, Principles of Psychology, Vol. II, pp. 410ff.
158: [(return)]
Journals of Two Expeditions, Vol. II, p. 317.
159: [(return)]
I have alluded in more than one paper to the theory of tropisms, but this does not imply an acceptance of this theory as stated by Loeb (Der Heliotropismus der Thiere und seine Uebereinstimmung mil dem Heliotropismus der Pflanzen), Vervorn (Das lebendige Substanz), and other representatives of the "mechanical" school of physiologists. The recent researches of Jennings seem to establish the view that reactions of the lower organisms to stimulation are less mechanical than has been assumed by this school. The current theory holds that "the action of the stimulus is directly on the motor organs of that part of the organism upon which the stimulus impinges, thus giving rise to changes in the state of contraction, which produce orientation." Jennings finds that "the responses to stimuli are usually reactions of the organisms as wholes, brought about by some physiological change produced by the stimulus.... The organism reacts as a unit, not as the sum of a number of independently reacting organs." H.S. Jennings, "The Theory of Tropisms," Contributions to the Study of the Behavior of the Lower Organisms (Publications of the Carnegie Institution, 1904), pp. 106, 107.
160: [(return)]
Cf. J.R. Angell and Helen B. Thompson, "A Study of the Relations between Certain Organic Processes and Consciousness," The University of Chicago Contributions to Philosophy, Vol. II, No. 2.
161: [(return)]
Cf. John Fiske, Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, Vol. II, pp. 342ff.
162: [(return)]
Cf. R. Steinmetz, Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe, Vol. I, p. 305.
163: [(return)]
See Groos, The Play of Animals, p. 283.
164: [(return)]
See e.g., Krafft-Ebing, Psychopathia Sexualis, 3. Aufl., p. 10; Adams, "Some Phases of Sexual Morality and Church Discipline in Colonial New England," Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d Series, 1891, pp. 417-516.
165: [(return)]
A.B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 249ff.
166: [(return)]
Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 206.
167: [(return)]
Bonwick, Daily Life of the Tasmanians, p. 55.
168: [(return)]
Owen, Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series, Vol. II, p. 36.
169: [(return)]
Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 424.
170: [(return)]
Arbousset and Daumas, Voyage and Exploration, p. 249; Maffat, Missionary Labors and Scenes in Southern Africa, p. 53.
171: [(return)]
Schoolcraft, History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States, Part I, p. 285.
172: [(return)]
Jones, Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 70.
173: [(return)]
John Hechenwelder, History, Manners, and Customs of the Indian Nations, pp. 155-58.
174: [(return)]
Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, p. 289.
175: [(return)]
Ratzel, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 253.
176: [(return)]
Irving, "Astoria," Works, Vol. VIII, p. 134.
177: [(return)]
Ratzel, loc. cit., Vol. II, p. 130.
178: [(return)]
Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, Vol. I, p. 277.
179: [(return)]
Featherman, Social History of Mankind: Aoneo-Maranonians, p. 364.
180: [(return)]
W.J. Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 288.
181: [(return)]
A.F. Bandelier, "Report of an Archaeological Tour in Mexico," Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, Vol. II, p. 138.
182: [(return)]
Dorsey, "Siouxan Sociology," Fifteenth Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 225.
183: [(return)]
Prov. 31:10-24.
184: [(return)]
Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 111.
185: [(return)]
Lewis and Clarke, Travels to the Source of the Missouri, ed. 1814, Vol. I, p. 60.
186: [(return)]
G. Thompson, Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa, Appendix, p. 286.
187: [(return)]
J.L. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys, Vol. I, p. 98.
188: [(return)]
Post, Bausteine einer allgemeinen Rechtswissenschaft, Vol. I, p. 287.
189: [(return)]
Macrae, "Account of the Kookies and Lunctas," Asiatic Researches, Vol. VII, p. 193.
190: [(return)]
S.W. Baker, The Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia, p. 125.
191: [(return)]
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V, p. 195.
192: [(return)]
Ibid., Vol. VIII, p. 470.
193: [(return)]
F. Boyle, Adventures among the Dyaks of Borneo, p. 170
194: [(return)]
T.S. Raffles, History of Java, Vol. I, p. 309.
195: [(return)]
R. Drury, Madagascar, p. 77.
196: [(return)]
No notice is here taken of the moral content of forms of worship, since religious practices are to be regarded as reflections of social practices. Morality springs from human activity, and religious belief consists in positing human traits in spirits; but it is impossible to find in religious practice an element which did not before exist in human practice. Religion and art have a philosophical and an ideal side, and their representations may be regarded as more perfect and valid than the human models on which they are based, but the ground-patterns of both religion and art are those of human experience.
197: [(return)]
J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country, p. 102.
198: [(return)]
Major J. Butler, Travels and Adventures in Assam, p. 88.
199: [(return)]
Jones, History of the Ojibway Indians, p. 57.
200: [(return)]
Von Seidlitz, "Ethnographische Rundschau," Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, 1890, p. 136.
201: [(return)]
Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, p. 360.
202: [(return)]
Cf. R. Steinmetz, "Endokannibalismus," Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wien, Vol. XXVI.
203: [(return)]
Odyssey (translated by Butcher and Lang), i, 260.
204: [(return)]
F. Mason, "On the Dwellings Works of Art, Laws, etc., of the Karens," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1868, p. 149.
205: [(return)]
Bonwick, Daily Life of the Tasmanians, p. 75.
206: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 74.
207: [(return)]
Highlands of Central India, p. 149.
208: [(return)]
T. Williams, Fiji and the Fijians, p. 201.
209: [(return)]
Owen, Transactions of the Ethnological Society, New Series, Vol. II, p. 35.
210: [(return)]
Lewis and Clarke, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 421.
211: [(return)]
The theories of Lubbock, Spencer, Tylor, Kohler, Huth, and Morgan are criticized by Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, pp. 311-19.
212: [(return)]
Cf. Ploss, Das Weib, 3. Aufl., Vol. I, pp. 313ff.
213: [(return)]
Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, pp. 213ff.
214: [(return)]
Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XVIII, p. 281.
215: [(return)]
Ploss, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 150.
216: [(return)]
The evidence in this paper will bear chiefly on Australia, both because the natives are in a very primitive condition, and because the customs of the aborigines have been very fully reported by a large number of competent observers.
217: [(return)]
Spencer and Gillen, The Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 558.
218: [(return)]
The Australian Race, Vol. I, p. 110.
219: [(return)]
Daily Life of the Tasmanians, p. 64.
220: [(return)]
Howitt, "The Dieri and Other Kindred Tribes of Central Australia," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XX, p. 87; Roth, Ethnological Studies among the North-West-Central Queensland Aborigines, p. 174; Spencer and Gillen, loc. cit., p. 93.
221: [(return)]
Cf. pp. 136ff. of this volume.
222: [(return)]
Howitt, "The Dieri and Other Kindred Tribes of Central Australia," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XX, p. 58.
223: [(return)]
Spencer and Gillen, loc. cit., pp. 62, 63.
224: [(return)]
Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 200.
225: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 354.
226: [(return)]
Fison and Howitt, loc. cit., p. 288, quoting Rev. John Bulmer on the Wa-imbio tribe.
227: [(return)]
Spencer and Gillen, loc. cit., p. 554.
228: [(return)]
Loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 108. At the same time, Curr thinks that capture was formerly more frequent.
229: [(return)]
Misapprehension as to the prevalence of marriage by capture is due in the main to two causes: (1) cases of elopement have been classed as cases of capture; (2) the so-called survivals of marriage by capture in historical times, of which so much has been made, are merely systematized expressions of the coyness of the female, differing in no essential point from the coyness of the female among birds at the pairing season.
230: [(return)]
Curr, loc. cit., Vol. I, p. 107.
231: [(return)]
Loc. cit., p. 181.
232: [(return)]
Haddon, "Ethnography of the Western Tribes of Torres Straits," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XIX, p. 414.
233: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 356.
234: [(return)]
Loc. cit., p. 285.
235: [(return)]
Cf. "The Gaming Instinct," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. VI, pp. 736ff., et passim.
236: [(return)]
Cf. pp. 208ff. of this volume.
237: [(return)]
William James, Principles of Psychology, Vol. II, p. 435.
238: [(return)]
"The Evolution of Modesty," Psychological Review, Vol. VI, pp. 134ff.
239: [(return)]
James, loc. cit., p. 436.
240: [(return)]
Darwin's explanation of shyness, modesty, shame, and blushing as due originally to "self-attention directed to personal appearance, in relation to the opinion of others," appears to me to be a very good statement of some of the aspects of the process, but hardly an adequate explanation of the process as a whole. (Darwin, Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals, p. 326.)
241: [(return)]
James R. Angell and Helen B. Thompson, "A Study of the Relations between Certain Organic Processes and Consciousness," University of Chicago Contributions to Philosophy, Vol. II, No. 2, pp. 32-69.
242: [(return)]
The paralysis of extreme fear seems to be a case of failure to accommodate when the equilibrium of attention is too violently disturbed. (See Mosso, La peur, p. 122.)
243: [(return)]
Cf. pp. 108ff. of this volume.
244: [(return)]
"Sex and Primitive Morality," pp. 149ff.
245: [(return)]
Without making any attempt to classify the emotions, we may notice that they arise out of conditions connected with both the nutritive and reproductive activities of life; and it is possible to say that such emotions as anger, fear, and guilt show a more plain genetic connection with the conflict aspect of the food-process, while modesty is connected rather with sexual life and the attendant bodily habits.
246: [(return)]
Groos, The Play of Animals, p. 285. The utility of these antics is well explained by Professor Ziegler in a letter to Professor Groos: "Among all animals a highly excited condition of the nervous system is necessary for the act of pairing, and consequently we find an exciting playful prelude is very generally indulged in" (Groos, loc. cit., p. 242); and Professor Groos thinks that the sexual hesitancy of the female is of advantage to the species, as preventing "too early and too frequent yielding to the sexual impulse" (loc. cit., p. 283).
247: [(return)]
Old women among the natural races often lose their modesty because it is no longer of any use. Bonwick says that the Tasmanian women, though naked, were very modest, but that the old women were not so particular on this point. (Bonwick, The Daily Life of the Tasmanians, p. 58.)
248: [(return)]
Native Tribes of Central Australia, p. 556.
249: [(return)]
A.C. Haddon, "The Ethnography of the Western Tribes of Torres Straits," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XIX, p. 397; cf. also "The Psychology of Exogamy," pp. 175ff. of this volume.
250: [(return)]
Loc. cit., p. 336.
251: [(return)]
Bonwick, loc. cit., p. 24.
252: [(return)]
Karl von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, p. 192.
253: [(return)]
Spencer and Gillen, loc. cit., p. 572.
254: [(return)]
Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 189.
255: [(return)]
Pp. 167ff.
256: [(return)]
See John Fiske, Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy, Vol. II, pp. 342ff.
257: [(return)]
See, however, Topinard, Éléments d'anthropologie générale, pp. 557ff.
258: [(return)]
Helen B. Thompson, The Mental Traits of Sex, p. 182.
259: [(return)]
The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, pp. 218ff.
260: [(return)]
Whewell, History of the Inductive Sciences, Vol. I, p. 205.
261: [(return)]
Iliad, iii, 233; translation by Lang, Leaf, and Myers.
262: [(return)]
Thomson, New Zealand, Vol. I, p. 164.
263: [(return)]
Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country, p. 102.
264: [(return)]
Fresh Discoveries at Nineveh and Researches at Babylon: Supplement.
265: [(return)]
Maine, Popular Government, p. 132.
266: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 134.
267: [(return)]
Smith, Village Life in China, p. 99.
268: [(return)]
Ibid., p. 95.
269: [(return)]
On the increase of insanity and feeble-mindedness see R.R. Rentoul, "Proposed Sterilization of Certain Mental Degenerates," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XII, pp. 319ff.
270: [(return)]
It is true that in many parts of the world, among the lower races, woman was treated by the men with a chivalrous respect, due to the prevalence of the maternal system and ideas of sympathetic magic; but she nevertheless did not participate in their activities and interests.
271: [(return)]
A.E. Crawley, "Sexual Taboo," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XXIV, p. 233.
272: [(return)]
Loc. cit., p. 227.
273: [(return)]
Ibid., pp. 123-25.
274: [(return)]
Danks, "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, Vol. XVII, p. 284.
275: [(return)]
Burrows, "On the Native Races of the Upper Welle District of the Belgian Congo," Journal of the Anthropological Institute, N.S. Vol. I, p. 41.
276: [(return)]
Williams, The Middle Kingdom, Vol. I, p. 786.
277: [(return)]
Cf. pp. 223ff. of this volume.
278: [(return)]
The Life Stories of Undistinguished Americans (Edited) by Hamilton Holt, pp. 100ff.
This peasant woman represents the true female type, and the American women in the scene represent the adventitious type of woman. The frail and clinging type is an adjustment to the tastes of man, produced partly by custom and partly by breeding. But in so far as the selection of frail women by men of the upper classes has contributed to the production of a frail or so-called "feminine" type in these classes, this applies to the males as well as the females of these classes. And there is, in fact, a more or less marked tendency to "feminism" apparent among the men and women of the "better classes." If we want to breed for mind, we can do so, but we must breed on better principles than beauty and docility.
279: [(return)]
Ploss, Das Weib, 2 Auf., Vol. I, p. 46.