CHAPTER SEVENTEEN.
Communia placita non sequantur curiam nostram sed teneantur in aliquo loco certo.
Common pleas shall not follow our court, but shall be held in some fixed place.
An attempt was here made to render royal justice cheaper and more accessible. Law-suits in which the Crown had no special interest, common pleas, were to be held in some one, fixed, pre-appointed spot, and must no longer follow the king as he moved about from place to place. The full extent of the boon conferred by this reform will be better appreciated after a short consideration of the method of dispensing justice adopted by Henry II. and his sons.
I. The Curia Regis as a Court of Law. The evil complained of was a characteristically medieval one, and arose from the fact that all departments of government were originally centred in the king and his household, or Curia Regis, which performed royal and national business of every kind. This Curia Regis, indeed, united in itself the functions of the modern Cabinet, of the administrative departments (such as the Home Office, the Foreign Office, and the Admiralty), and of the various legal tribunals. It was the parent inter alia of the Court at St. James’s and the courts at Westminster. One result of throwing so many and miscellaneous duties on a small body of hard-worked officials was to produce a congestion of business. Nothing could be done outside of the royal household, and that household never tarried long in any one spot. Everything was focussed to one point, but to a point constantly in motion. Wherever the king went, there the Curia Regis, with all its departments, went also. The entire machinery of royal justice followed Henry II., as he passed, sometimes on the impulse of the moment, from one of his favourite hunting seats to another. Crowds thronged after him in hot pursuit, since it was difficult to transact business of moment elsewhere.
This entailed intolerable delay, annoyance, and expense upon litigants who brought their pleas for the king’s decision. The case of Richard d’Anesty is often cited in illustration of the hardships which this system inflicted upon suitors. His own account is extant and gives a graphic record of his journeyings in search of justice, throughout a period of five years, during which he visited in the king’s wake most parts of England, Normandy, Aquitaine, and Anjou. The plaintiff, although ultimately successful, paid dearly for his legal triumph. Reduced to borrow from the Jews to meet his enormous outlays, mostly travelling expenses, he had to discharge his debts with accumulations of interest at the ruinous rate of 86⅔ per cent.[[534]]
II. Common Pleas and Royal Pleas. Long before 1215 all litigations conducted before the king’s courts had come to be divided roughly into two classes, according as the royal interests were or were not specially affected by the issue. Those on one side of this fluctuating line were known as royal pleas, or “pleas of the Crown,” provisions for holding which are contained in chapter 24, those on the other side as ordinary pleas or “common pleas,” to which alone the present chapter refers. As these ordinary suits did not require to be determined in the royal presence, it was therefore possible to appoint a special bench of judges to sit permanently in some fixed spot, to be selected once for all as likely to suit the convenience of litigants. No town was named in Magna Carta; but Westminster, even then the natural home of law, was probably intended from the first. It is Westminster that Sir Frederick Pollock has in mind when he writes in reference to this chapter: “We may also say that Magna Carta gave England a capital.”[[535]] The barons in 1215, however, in asking this reform, were not insisting on any startling innovation, but demanding merely the strict observance of a rule long recognized. During most of John’s reign, a court did sit at Westminster dispensing justice, with more or less regularity; and there most “common pleas” were tried, unless John ordered otherwise.[[536]] Magna Carta insisted that all exceptions must cease; the rule of law must supersede the royal caprice.
III. Effects of Magna Carta on the genesis of the three Courts of Common Law. The ultimate consequences of the accomplishment of this reform reached further than was foreseen. Intended merely to remove from litigants a practical grievance of frequent occurrence, it had important indirect effects on the development of the English Constitution. By securing for common pleas a permanent home, it gave an impetus to the disintegrating tendencies already at work within the many-sided household of the king. It contributed somewhat to the slow process whereby the Curia Regis, as an administrative organ, was differentiated from the same Curia as the dispenser of justice. It helped forward the cleavage destined to divide completely the future Courts of Westminster from the Court of St. James’s and from Downing Street. Nor was this all: the special treatment accorded to “common pleas” emphasized the distinction between them and royal pleas, and so contributed to the splitting up of the same Curia Regis, on its judicial side, into two distinct tribunals. One little group of judges were set apart for hearing common pleas, and were known as "the king’s Judges of the Bench," or more briefly as “the Bench,” and at a later date as the Court of Common Pleas. A second group, reserved for royal pleas, became the court Coram Rege, known subsequently as the Court of King’s Bench. There were thus two benches: a common bench for common pleas and a royal bench for pleas of the Crown.[[537]]
The double process by which these two small courts separated themselves slowly from the parent court and from each other began long prior to Magna Carta, and was not completed before the close of the thirteenth century. These benches were also closely linked with a third bench, known for centuries as the Court of Exchequer, which was in its origin merely one department of that government bureau, the king’s financial Exchequer—that office in which money was weighed and tested and the royal accounts drawn up. Many disputes or pleas affecting Crown debts and debtors had to be there decided, and in due time a special group of officials were set aside to try these. These men, called, not judges, but “barons of the exchequer,” formed what was in fact, though not in name, a third bench or court of justice.
All three of the Courts of Common Law—the Court of King’s Bench, the Court of Common Pleas, and the Court of Exchequer—were thus offshoots of the king’s household. In theory, each of these ought to have confined itself to the special class of suits to which it owed its origin—to royal pleas, common pleas, and exchequer pleas respectively; but by a process well known to lawyers and law-courts in all ages, each of them eagerly encroached on the jurisdictions and the fees appropriate to the others, until they became, for most purposes, three sister courts of similar and co-ordinate authority. They were bound to decide all suits according to the technical and inflexible rules of common law; and their jurisdiction thus required a supplement, which was supplied by the genesis of the Court of Chancery, dispensing, not common law, but equity, which professed to give (and, for a short time, actually did give) redress on the merits of each case as it arose, unrestrained by precedents and legal subtleties.
IV. The Evolution of the Court of Common Pleas. The comment usually made upon the present chapter is that we have here the origin of the Court of Common Pleas. Now, legal institutions do not spring, full-fledged, into being. The Court of Common Pleas, like its sister Courts of King’s Bench and Exchequer, was the result of a long process of gradual separation from a common parent stem. Prior to 1215 several tentative efforts seem to have been made towards establishing each of these. On the other hand, it is probable, nay certain, that long after 1215 the Court of Common Pleas did not completely shake off either its early dependence upon the Curia Regis, or yet its close connection with its sister tribunals.
Three stages in the process of evolution may be emphasized. (1) The earliest trace of the existence of a definite bench of judges, set apart for trying common pleas, is to be found in 1178, not in 1215. When Henry II. returned from Normandy in the former year, he found that there had been irregularities in his absence. To prevent their recurrence, he effected certain changes in his judicial arrangements, the exact nature of which is matter of dispute. A contemporary writer[[538]] relates how Henry chose two clerks and three laymen from the officials of his own household, and gave to these five men authority to hear all complaints and to do right “and not to recede from his court.” It was long thought that this marked the origin of the Court of King’s Bench, but Mr. Pike[[539]] has conclusively proved that the bench thus established was the predecessor, not of the royal bench, but rather of the bench for common pleas.
In 1178, then, these five judges were set apart to hear ordinary suits; but they were specially directed not to leave Henry’s court; so that common pleas still “followed the king,” even ordinary litigants in non-royal pleas having to pursue the king in quest of justice as he passed from place to place in quest of sport.
It must not be supposed that the arrangement thus made in 1178 settled the practice for the whole period of thirty-seven years preceding the grant of Magna Carta. On the contrary, it was merely one of many experiments tried by that restless reformer, Henry of Anjou; and the separate court then instituted may have been pulled down and set up again many times. The bench which appears in 1178 had probably, at best, a fitful and intermittent existence. There is evidence, however, that some such court did exist and did try common pleas in the reigns of Richard and John.[[540]] On the other hand, this tribunal had in John’s reign ceased to follow the king’s movements habitually (thus disregarding the decree of 1178), and had established itself at Westminster.[[541]] It was in 1215 considered an abuse for John to try a common plea elsewhere. Times had changed since his father had granted as a boon that a set of judges should remain constantly at “his court” to try such cases.
(2) Magna Carta in 1215 gave authoritative sanction to the already recognized rule that common pleas should be tried at Westminster, instead of moving with the king. No exceptions were henceforth to be allowed. Young Henry renewed this promise, and the circumstance of his minority favoured its strict observance. A mere boy could not make royal progresses through the land dispensing justice as he went. Accordingly, all pleas continued for some twenty years to be heard at Westminster. The same circumstances, which thus emphasized the stability of common pleas (along with all other kinds of pleas) in one fixed place, may have arrested the process of cleavage between the two benches. All the judges of both courts sat at Westminster, and therefore there was the less need for allocating the business between them with any exactitude. The two benches were in danger of coalescing.
(3) About the year 1234 a third stage was reached. Henry began to follow the precedent, set by his ancestors, of moving through his realm with judges in his train, hearing pleas wherever he stopped. While one group of judges went with him, another remained at Westminster. Some way of allocating the business had therefore to be found. Common pleas, in accordance with Magna Carta, remained stationary; while pleas of the Crown went on their travels. The split between the two benches now became absolute. Each provided itself with separate records. From the year 1234, two continuous series of distinct rolls can be traced, known respectively as rotuli placitorum coram rege and rotuli placitorum de banco. If any date in the history of one law court, which is in process of becoming two, can be reckoned as specially marking the point of separation, it should be that at which separate rolls appear. The court’s memory lies in its records, which are thus closely associated with its identity. In 1234 the common bench and the royal bench had become distinct.[[542]] Evidence drawn from a few years later proves that a definition of common pleas had been arrived at and that the rule which required them to be held “in a fixed place” was insisted on. While Henry and his justices sat in judgment at Worcester in 1238, a litigant protested against his suit being tried before them. It was a “common plea” and therefore, he argued, ought not to follow the king, in violation of Magna Carta. At Westminster only, not at Worcester or elsewhere, could his case be heard.[[543]]
With royal pleas, however, it was very different: for long they continued to follow the king’s person without any protest being raised; and the Court of King’s Bench did not finally settle at Westminster for nearly a century after the Court of Common Pleas had been established there. So late as 1300, Edward I. ordained by the Articuli super cartas that “the Justices of his Bench” (as well as his Chancellor) should follow him so that he might have at all times near him “some sages of the law, which be able duly to order all such matters as shall come into the Court at all times when need shall require.”[[544]]
V. Erroneous Views. In the reign of Edward I. the real motive of this chapter of Magna Charta—so quickly had the organization of the law courts progressed—had already been lost sight of. The day of wandering common pleas, such as that of Richard d’Anesty, had been long forgotten. Some litigants of Edward’s time had, however, a different grievance of their own, connected with the hearing of their suits. The Court of Exchequer was willing, for an adequate consideration, to place its specially potent machinery, devised originally for the king’s exclusive use, at the disposal of private creditors, thus treating “common pleas” as “exchequer pleas.” Ordinary debtors, summoned as defendants before the barones scaccarii, were subjected to harsher treatment than they would have experienced elsewhere. It was not unnatural that defendants who found themselves thus hustled should read the words of Magna Carta relative to “common pleas” as precisely suited to their own case. They made this mistake the more readily as the original motive had been forgotten. The Charter was thus read as preventing the stationary Court of Exchequer (not the constantly moving King’s Bench) from hearing ordinary suits. This erroneous view received legislative sanction. The Articuli super cartas in 1300 declared that no common pleas should thenceforth be held in the Exchequer “contrary to the form of the Great Charter.”[[545]]
This is a clear misinterpretation of the intention of Magna Carta. The Exchequer never “followed the Crown”; it stayed at Westminster where its offices, tallies, and pipe rolls were. The Charter would have expressed itself in widely different words if it had desired to exclude common pleas from the Exchequer. The Articuli super Cartas, however, attempted what the Charter of 1215 did not. After 1300 it was clearly illegal to hold any pleas in the Exchequer, unless such as affected the Crown and its ministers. Subsequent statutes confirmed this; but their plain intention was always defeated by the ingenious use of legal fictions and the connivance of the Barons of Exchequer, who welcomed the increase of their fees which kept pace with the increase of business.[[546]]
The evil directly attacked by Magna Carta was something quite different—an evil wider, more pressing and less technical, namely, the practice of causing ordinary litigants, with their legal advisers and witnesses, to dance attendance on a constantly moving court.
[534]. Cf. J. F. Stephen, Hist. of Crim. Law, I. 88-9.
[535]. Jurisprudence and Ethics, 209. Sometimes, however, another “fixed place” was substituted. The Court of Common Pleas once sat at York under Edward III. and at Hertford under Elizabeth. See Maitland, Select Pleas of the Crown, xiii. The Statute 2 Edward III. c. 11, enacted that it should not be removed to any new place without due notice.
[536]. See Prof. Maitland, Select Pleas of the Crown, xiii.-xvi.
[537]. Cf. supra, 109.
[538]. The chronicler known as Benedict Abbot, I. 107 (Rolls Series).
[539]. House of Lords, 32.
[540]. See Prof. Maitland, Sel. Pl. Crown, xiii.-xvi.; see also in Pipe Roll, 7 John (cited Madox, I. 791) how money was paid that a plea pending before the Justiciarii de banco might be heard coram rege. This entry proves that in 1205 there were two distinct courts, one known as de banco and the other as coram rege.
[541]. See Maitland, Ibid.
[542]. See Maitland, Sel. Pl. Crown, xviii.
[543]. See Placitorum Abbreviatio (p. 105) 21 Henry III., cited Pike, House of Lords, p. 41. Cf. also Bracton’s Note Book, pleas Nos. 1213 and 1220.
[544]. 28 Edward I. c. 5.
[545]. See 28 Edward I. c. 4. Many previous attempts had been made to keep common pleas out of the Exchequer e.g. the writs of 56 Henry III. and 5 Edward I. (cited Madox, II. 73-4) the so-called statute of Rhuddlan (12 Edward I., see Statutes of Realm, I. 70). Madox also (II. 73-4) takes the erroneous view that c. 17 of the Great Charter relates to the Exchequer; so does Mr. Bigelow (History of Procedure, 130–1), who goes further astray by explaining the point of the grievance as the difficulty of getting speedy justice at the Exchequer, because the barons refused to sit after their fiscal business had been finished, at the Easter and Michaelmas sessions. This is an error: the Barons of Exchequer made no difficulty about hearing pleas: quite the contrary. Plaintiffs were equally eager to purchase the writs which they were keen to sell: it was only defendants (debtors) who objected to the rapid and stringent procedure for enforcing payment adopted by this efficient court. The sheriffs and others waiting to render accounts before the Exchequer also protested against the congestion of business produced at the Exchequer by the eagerness of litigants who pressed there for justice. See Madox, II. 73. Plaintiffs had no reason to complain.
[546]. The fiction of “Crown debtors” is well known: plaintiffs obtained a hearing in the Exchequer for their common pleas by alleging that they wished to recover debts due to them “in order to enable them to answer the debts they owed to the king.” See Madox, II. 192.