The life of Poggio Bracciolini

by William Shepherd

FOOTNOTES

[1] Recanati Poggii Vita, p. 1. Recanati Osservazioni, p. 34.

[2] Elogi degli Uomini Illustri Toscani, tom. i. p. 270. MS. in the Riccardi Library referred to by the Cavaliere Tonelli, tom. i. p. 3. of his translation of the Life of Poggio, which will be hereafter designated by the abridgment Ton. Tr.

[3] Recanati Poggii Vita, p. 1.

[4] Recanati indeed, on the authority of a letter addressed by an unknown antiquary to Benedetto de’ Bondelmonti, asserts, that the office of notary had been for some generations hereditary in the family of Poggio.—Recanati ut supr.

[5] See a fragment of a letter from Colucio Salutati to Pietro Turco. Apud Mehi Vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, fo. ccclxxix. ccclxxx.

[6] Giovanni, the son of Jacopo Malpaghino, was born at Ravenna. In his early youth he left his native city, and went to Venice, where he attended the lectures of Donato Albasano, a celebrated grammarian. From the instructions of Donato he derived considerable advantage; but his connexion with that scholar was more eminently fortunate, as it introduced him to the acquaintance, and procured him the friendship of Petrarca, who took him into his family, and superintended the prosecution of his studies. In return for the kindness of his accomplished patron, Giovanni undertook the improving employment of transcribing his compositions—a task for which he was well qualified, as he had added to his other acquirements that of a beautiful hand writing. Petrarca in a letter to Giovanni Certaldo, which is preserved in Mehus’s life of Ambrogio Traversari, mentions, with distinguished applause, the industry, temperance and prudence of his young scribe; and particularly commends the tenaciousness of his memory, in proof of which, he informs his correspondent, that Giovanni had, in eleven successive days, qualified himself to repeat his twelve Bucolic poems. Perhaps the highest eulogium that can be pronounced upon Giovanni is this, that he continued to reside in the family of Petrarca for the space of fifteen years, at the end of which time, by the death of that elegant enthusiast, he was deprived of an enlightened master and a zealous friend. On this event he went to Padua, where he for some time gained an honourable livelihood, by instructing youth in the principles of eloquence. In the year 1397, he received an invitation to undertake the office of public instructor, in the city of Florence. This invitation he accepted, and discharged the duties of his station with great applause, during the course of at least fifteen years. The time of his death is uncertain. Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. cccxlviii.-cccliii.—Ejusdem præfatio ad Colucii Salutati Epistolas, p. xli.

[7] Ton. Tr. tom. i. p. 7.

[8] Ton. Tr. tom. i. p. 10.

[9] Platina Vite de’ Pontefici, tom. i. p. 368.

[10] Platina, tom. i. p. 369.

[11] The conclave gave a name to the new pontiff, because he was absent from Rome at the time of his election.

[12] Platina, tom. i. p. 370.

[13] Voltaire, Essai sur les Mœurs et l’Esprit des Nations, chap. 69. The Cavaliere Tonelli is of opinion, that Joanna was innocent of this crime, which is not imputed to her by the best Neapolitan historians, Costanzo and Giannone. See Ton. Tr. tom. i. p. 16.

[14] Platina, tom. i. p. 372.

[15] Poggius de Varietate Fortunæ, p. 56. Ammirato Istorie Fiorentine, P. I. T. II. p. 752.

[16] Platina, tom. i. p. 373, 374. Giannone, lib. xxiv. cap. i.

[17] Vide Poggii Epistolas lvii, a Johanne Oliva Rhodigino vulgatas ad calcem librorum de Varietate Fortunæ, p. 199.

[18] Alter Urbanum olim summum pontificem leviter perstrinxit. Nam cum ille nescio quid acrius a pontifice contenderet, “malo capite es” inquit Urbanus. Tum ille “hoc idem” inquit “et de te vulgi dicunt homines pater sancte.” Poggii Opera, edit. Basil. p. 428.

[19] Platina, tom. i. p. 376.

[20] Platina, tom. i. p. 376, 377. Poggii Historia Florentina, lib. iii. Ammirato Istor. lib. xv.

[21] Platina, tom. i. p. 378.

[22] The English reader will probably be surprised to recognize in Giovanni Auguto, his countryman John Hawkewood. John was a soldier of fortune, and had been engaged in the war which Edward III. king of England, carried on with so much glory against France. On the conclusion of peace between those two countries, he led into Italy a band of 3000 adventurers, of restless spirits, and approved courage, who had engaged to fight under his banners, on behalf of any state which would give them a suitable remuneration for their services. In the year 1363, this army of desperadoes was hired by the republic of Pisa, and spread ruin and devastation through the territories of Florence, with which state the Pisans were then at war. They afterwards entered into the service of Bernabò Visconti, lord of Milan, and being again opposed to the Florentines, they defeated the Tuscan army, and made predatory incursions to the very gates of Florence. Being defrauded by Bernabò of the remuneration which his services merited, Hawkewood readily acceded to the terms proposed to him by the cardinal of Berry, legate of pope Gregory XI. and heartily engaged on the side of the pontiff in hostilities against the lord of Milan. Having assisted in the capture of nearly a hundred towns belonging to that prince, he had the satisfaction of seeing him reduced to the necessity of suing for peace. In the year 1375 he entered into the service of the Florentines. In the course of a little time he was promoted to the chief command of the Tuscan forces, in which capacity he merited and acquired the confidence of his employers, by the courage and skill with which he conducted the military operations of the Republic. He retained the office of Generalissimo of the Florentine army till the time of his death, which event took place in the latter end of the year 1393. The gratitude of the Florentines honoured him with a magnificent funeral, and his fame was perpetuated by an equestrian statue, erected to his memory at the public expense.

Poggii Historia Florentina, p. 29, 41, 46, 122, 123. See particularly note (x) p. 29, which settles the English appellation of Auguto.

In a volume of portraits of illustrious men, engraven on wood, entitled Musæi Joviani Imagines, and printed at Basil, An. 1577, there is a portrait of Auguto, who is there denominated IOANNES AVCVTHVS. BRITAN. Underneath this portrait is printed the following inscription.

“Anglorum egressus patriis Aucuthus ab oris,

Italiæ primum climata lætus adit,

Militiæ fuerat quascunque edoctus et artes,

Ausoniæ exeruit non semel ipse plagæ,

Ut donaretur statuâ defunctus equestri,

Debita nam virtus præmia semper habet.”

Paulus Jovius, in his Elogia Virorum illustrium, p. 105, 106, gives a long account of Auguto, who, he asserts, came into Italy in the suite of the duke of Clarence, when that prince visited Milan, where he married the daughter of Galeazzo Visconti.

Holingshed, in his Chronicle, has recorded the actions of Hawkewood in the following terms. “And that valiant knight, Sir John Hawkewood, whose fame in the parts of Italie shall remain for ever, where, as their histories make mention, he grew to such estimation for his valiant achieved enterprises, that happie might that prince or commonwealth accompt themselves that might have his service; and so living there in such reputation, sometimes he served the Pope, sometimes the Lords of Millane, now this prince or commonwealth, now that, and otherwhiles none at all, but taking one towne or other, would keep the same till some liking entertainment were offered, and then would he sell such a towne, where he had thus remained, to them that would give him for it according to his mind. Barnabe, Lord of Millane, gave unto him one of his base daughters in marriage, with an honourable portion for her dower.

“This man was born in Essex, (as some write) who at the first became a tailor in London, and afterwards going to the warres in France, served in the roome of an archer; but at length he became a Capteine and leader of men of war, highlie commended, and liked of amongst the souldiers, insomuch that when by the peace concluded at Bretignie, in the yeare 1360, great numbers of soldiers were discharged out of wages, they got themselves together in companies, and without commandment of any prince, by whose authoritie they might make warre, they fell to of themselves, and sore harried and spoiled diverse countries in the realm of France, as partlie yee have heard, amongst whome this Sir John Hawkewood was one of the principall capteines, and at length went into Italie to serve the Marquis of Montserrato, against the Duke of Millane, although I remember that some write how he came into that countrie with the Duke of Clarence, but I thinke the former report to be true; but it may well be that he was readie to attend the said Duke at his coming into Italie.”—Holingshed’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 413.

[23] Poggii Opera, edit. Basil. p. 311.

[24] Platina, tom. i. p. 378.

[25] Platina, tom. i. p. 379.

[26] Marignano was a castle, or country residence, to which Galeazzo had retired to avoid the plague, which had made its appearance in Milan. Poggio informs us in his history of Florence, that the day and hour of his departure from his capital was fixed by his astrologers, whom he was accustomed to consult in all cases of consequence. According to the observations of these soothsayers, so evidently had the stars determined the proper season for his journey, and so auspicious was the appearance of the heavens, that they boldly predicted that their illustrious patron would return, graced with the title of King of Italy. Poggio also asserts, that it was generally believed, that the death of Galeazzo was portended by a comet, which appeared in the month of March preceding that event. It should seem that the astrologers of the lord of Milan had forgotten to take this comet into their calculations.

Poggio’s partiality to his native country did not render him blind to the merits of Galeazzo, on whom he bestows the praise due to his liberality, magnanimity, and noble manners. He also highly commends him for his patronage of literature and of learned men. The following anecdote however, which is recorded in Poggio’s Facetiæ, proves that the lustre of Galeazzo’s good qualities was tarnished by his excessive indulgence in the pleasures of the table.

“Pope Martin V. had employed Antonio Lusco in the composition of some letters, which, after he had perused them, the pontiff ordered him to submit to the examination of a friend of mine, in whose judgment he had great confidence. This person, who was a little disordered with wine at the time when the letters were communicated to him, totally disapproved of them, and ordered Lusco to re-write them. Then Antonio said to Bartolomeo de’ Bardi, who happened to be present, I will do with my letters as the tailor did with Giovanni Galeazzo’s waistcoat. Upon Bartolomeo’s asking what that was, he replied, Giovanni Galeazzo was a very corpulent man, and was in the habit of eating and drinking immoderately at supper. As he was retiring to rest after one of these copious repasts, he sent for his tailor, and sharply reproved him for making his waistcoat too tight, and ordered him to widen it. I will take care said the tailor to execute your highness’s orders, and I trust that to-morrow it will fit you to your satisfaction. He then took the garment in question, and without making the least alteration in it, hung it on a nail. Being asked why he did not make the waistcoat wider, according to the orders which he had received, he said, to-morrow when the prince has digested his supper, it will be found large enough. He accordingly carried it back in the morning, when Galeazzo having put it on, said, Aye, now it will do—it fits perfectly easy.”

Platina, tom. i. p. 379, 380. Poggii Historia Florentina, p. 153.

[27] During the state of anarchy into which the Milanese territories fell, in consequence of the folly and wickedness of the successor of Galeazzo, Como and Piacenza became the prey of the soldiers, Vercelli and Novara were seized by the marquis of Montferat. Pandolfo Malatesta made himself master of Brescia; Ottobuono III. took possession of Piacenza, Parma, and Reggio. Pavia, Alessandria, Tortona, and several other towns, submitted to the authority of Facino Cane. This last chieftain was the captain of one of those bands of adventurers, who at this time subsisted upon the wages which they received for their military services, and upon the plunder of the rich towns and fertile provinces of Italy. The following anecdote may serve to give the reader an idea of the insolent rapacity with which these disciplined robbers carried on their depredations.

“A person once complained to Facino Cane that he had been robbed of his cloak by one of that captain’s soldiers. Facino, observing that the complainant was clad in a good waistcoat, asked him whether he wore that at the time when he was robbed. Being answered in the affirmative, Go, says he—the man who robbed you cannot be one of my soldiers, for none of my followers would have left you so good a waistcoat.”—Poggii Hist. Flor. p. 159, 160.—Opera, p. 427.

[28] “Mallem tamen dici adversus avaritiam, cum verear no sit necesse nos fieri avaros, ob tenuitatem lucri quo vix possumus tueri officii nostri dignitatem.”—Poggii Opera, edit. Basil. p. 5.

[29] “Ego sane quò me ex eorum vulgo eximerem de quorum ocio parum constat, nonnulla hac tenus conscripsi, quæ jam inter multos diffusa longiorem paulo, mihi, post obitum, vitam allatura videantur. Idque eò feci libentius, quo facilius fugerem eas molestias, quibus hæc fragilis atque imbecilla ætas plena est. Hæc enim scribendi exercitatio, multum mihi contulit ad temporum injurias perferendas. Non enim non potui angi animo et dolere aliquando, cum viderem me natu majorem, ita adhuc tenui esse censu, ut cogerer quæstui potius operam quam ingenio dare.”—Poggii Opera, p. 32.

[30] Platina, tom. i. p. 380, 381. The following anecdote, inserted by Poggio in his Facetiæ, is at once a record of this partiality, and a curious specimen of the Italian wit of the fourteenth century.

“Bonifacius pontifex nonus, natione fuit Neapolitanus ex familiâ Tomacellorum. Appellantur autem vulgari sermone Tomacelli cibus factus ex jecore suillo admodum contrito atque in modum pili involtuto interiore pinguedine porci. Contulit Bonifacius se Perusiam secundo sui pontificatûs anno. Aderant autem secum fratres et affines ex eâ domo permulti, qui ad eum (ut fit) confluxerant, bonorum ac lucri cupiditate. Ingresso Bonifacio urbem sequebatur turba primorum, inter quos fratres erant et cæteri ex eâ familiâ. Quidam cupidiores noscendorum hominum quærebant quinam essent qui sequerentur. Dicebat unus item alter, hic est Andreas Tomacellos deinde hic Johannes Tomacellus, tum plures deinde Tomacellos nominatim recensendo. Tum quidam facetus, Hohe! permagnum nempe fuit jecur istud, inquit, ex quo tot Tomacelli prodierunt et tam ingentes.”—Poggii Opera, p. 431.

[31] Mehi Vita Leonardi Bruni, p. xxiii. xxv.

[32] Janotii Manetti, Oratio Funebris apud Mehi, edit. Epist. Leonardi Aretini, tom. i. p. xcii. xciii.

[33] Mehi Vita Leon. Aret. p. xxxi.

[34] Coluccio Salutati was born in the obscure town of Stignano, about the year 1330. It appears from a letter which he wrote to Bernardo di Moglo, that he was destitute of the advantages of early education, and that he did not apply himself to the cultivation of polite literature, till he was arrived at man’s estate, and that he then began his grammatical studies without the aid of a master. When he deemed himself properly prepared to extend his literary career, he went to Bologna, where he attended the public lectures of Giovanni di Moglo, the father of the above-mentioned Bernardo. In compliance with the advice of his relations and friends, he qualified himself for the profession of a notary; but when he had acquired a sufficient knowledge of legal practice, he devoted himself to the Muses, and composed several poems. In the forty-fifth year of his age, he was elected chancellor of the city of Florence, which office he held during the remainder of his life. He died on the fourth of May, 1406, and his remains, after having been decorated with a crown of laurel, were interred with extraordinary pomp, in the church of Santa Maria del Fiore. It was a subject of great regret to Leonardo Aretino, that soon after his arrival in Rome, some unfortunate misunderstanding deprived him of the affectionate regard of Coluccio, and that the death of his veteran friend prevented him from effecting a reconciliation, which he appears to have desired with all the earnestness of an ingenuous mind.

Coluccio was the author of the following works, MS. copies of most of which are preserved in the Laurentian library. 1 De Fato et Fortunâ. 2 De sæculo et religione. 3 De nobilitate legum et medicinæ. 4 Tractatus de Tyranno. 5 Tractatus quod medici eloquentiæ studeant et de Verecundiâ an sit virtus aut vitium. 6 De laboribus Herculis. 7 Historia de casu Hominis. 8 De arte dictandi. 9 Certamen Fortunæ. 10 Declamationes. 11 Invectiva in Antonium Luscum. 12 Phyllidis querimoniæ. 13 Eclogæ viii. 14 Carmina ad Jacobum Allegrettum. 15 Sonnetti, and lastly, various Epistles, a collection of which was published by Mehus in one volume, small quarto, printed at Florence, A. D. 1741.

We may judge of the zeal which Coluccio manifested for the promotion of literature by the extent of his library, which consisted of eight hundred volumes—a magnificent collection in those early times, when good MSS. were very scarce, and consequently very costly.—Colluccii Vita à Philippo Villani, apud Mehi editionem Epistolarum Lini Colucii Pierii Salutati—Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, lib. i. ep. x. xii.

[35] Leonardi Aretini Epist. l. i. ep. i.

[36] By gaining the victory in this contest, Leonardo considerably encreased his reputation, as his competitor was a man of very respectable talents. Jacopo d’Angelo was a native of Scarparia, and studied the Latin tongue under the auspices of John of Ravenna. Understanding that Demetrius Cydonius and Manuel Crysoloras had undertaken to give public lectures on the Grecian classics in the city of Venice, he immediately repaired thither for the purpose of availing himself of their instructions. So great was his zeal in the cause of literature, that he accompanied Crysoloras to Constantinople, with a view of collecting manuscripts, and attaining a more accurate and extensive acquaintance with the Greek language. He translated into Latin Ptolomey’s Cosmographia, and also Plutarch’s lives of Brutus and Pompey. His version of the Cosmographia he dedicated to Alexander V. Contemporary scholars have given ample testimonies to his literary abilities, but his studies were abruptly terminated by an early death. Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xvi. ccclvi.—Ejusdem Vita Leonardi Bruni, p. xxxii.—Facius de viris illustribus, p. 9.

[37] See an old diary of Gentile d’Urbino, apud Muratorii Rer. Italic Scriptor. tom. vi. p. 844.

[38] Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, l. i. ep. v.

[39] Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, l. i. ep. x.

[40] Platina, tom. i. p. 383, 384.

[41] Platina, tom. i. p. 385, 386.

[42] Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, l. ii. ep. iii.

[43] Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, l. ii. ep. xxi. The cardinal of Bourdeaux, conversing with Poggio on the tardiness of Gregory in fulfilling his engagement, observed, that the conduct of his holiness reminded him of the wicked wit of the humourist, who imposed upon the credulity of the populace of Bologna. On Poggio’s asking him to what circumstance he alluded, he related the following anecdote, which may bear a comparison with the story of the famous bottle-conjurer. “There was lately at Bologna,” said the cardinal, “a wag, who proclaimed by public advertisement, that on a certain day he would fly from the top of a tower, situated about a mile from the city, near St. Raphael’s bridge. On the day appointed, almost all the Bolognese assembled together; and the man kept them waiting during the heat of the day, and until the evening, all gazing at the tower, and expecting every moment that he would begin his flight. At length he appeared on the top of the tower, and waved a pair of wings, on which the multitude gave a shout of applause. The wag however protracted the expected expedition till after sunset, when resolving that the good people should not go home without seeing a sight, he deliberately drew aside the skirts of his garment, and turned his posteriors to the multitude, who immediately returned home, exhausted with fatigue and hunger, and chagrined at their disappointment.” In my opinion, said the cardinal, Gregory has practised upon the sacred college as complete a delusion, as the wag practised upon the people of Bologna.—Poggii Opera, p. 435.

[44] Platina, tom. i. p. 386, 388.

[45] Leon. Aret. Epistolæ, l. iii. ep. iii.

[46] Ibid, ep. iv. vii.

[47] Leonardo Aretino, in his oration against Niccolo Niccoli, asserts, that Niccolo’s grandfather was a tavern-keeper at Pistoia. “Avi autem tui caupona Pistorii primum floruit non dignitate aliquà, sed fronde illâ festivâ quâ ad vinum et popinas meretrices et ganeos invitabat. Inde nocturnâ ebriorum cæde conterritus Pistorio demigravit, cauponam et serta Florentiam transtulit. Hic tandem pater tuus cauponâ egressus vino abstinuit, oleo se ac lanificio perunxit, sedens ad scamnum a matutino tempore quasi vile mancipium, sordido ac prope miserabili exercitio defamatus. Profer igitur insignia nobilitatis tuæ, qui alios tam insolenter contemnis. Habes enim præclarissima: ab avo quidem frondes et cyathos; a patre vero lanam et pectines.”—Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxx.

So little regard did the learned men of the fifteenth century pay to truth in their invectives, that the assertion of Leonardo Aretino is not sufficient evidence of the history of Niccolo’s progenitors. But this is indisputably certain, that by endeavouring to throw ridicule upon his former friend, by a reference to the occupation of his ancestors, he only disgraces himself. The frons festiva, to which he alludes in the passage quoted above, is the laurel, which it was then customary to hang by way of a sign over the doors of taverns. From a similar custom is derived our English proverb, “Good wine needs no bush.”

[48] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lxxvi. Lodovico Marsilio was an ecclesiastic of the Augustine order, of which fraternity he became the superior in the province of Pisa. His literary reputation caused him to be employed in the chancery of the republic of Florence, and in the year 1382 he was appointed of the number of the ambassadors sent by that state, to negociate a peace between Carlo, the Hungarian prince, and the duke of Anjou. In so great estimation was he held by the Florentines, that the administrators of their government applied to Boniface IX., requesting his holiness to promote him to the dignity of bishop of their city. The letter which was written on this occasion, and which details his various merits in very flattering terms, is preserved by Mehus in his life of Ambrogio Traversari. Lodovico carried on a correspondence with Coluccio Salutati; and also with Petrarca, on a few of whose sonnets he wrote a commentary. Several of his letters occur, but in a mutilated state, in a collection of the epistles of the Tuscan Saints, published at Florence, in 4to. A. D. 1736. He died on the 21st of August, 1394.—Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxx. cclxxxv. ccxxxix. cclxi.

[49] Gregory was accompanied to Rimini by Leonardo Aretino, who sent to Niccolo Niccoli an interesting and elegant account of the remains of antiquity which then existed in that city. Towards the close of his letter on this subject, Leonardo dilates with great eloquence upon the praises of Carlo Malatesta. After enlarging upon his merits as a soldier and a statesman, he thus proceeds.—“So liberal has nature been in her gifts to him, that he seems to possess an universal genius. He reads with the utmost grace—he writes verses—he dictates the most elegant prose, and his hand-writing is so neat, that it is superior to that of professed scribes. I should not have mentioned this fact, had I not found the same circumstance recorded with respect to Augustus, and Titus son of Vespasian.”—Leonardi Aretini Ep., l. iii. ep. ix.

[50] Platina ut supra.

[51] Platina, p. 389.

[52] A manuscript, containing an account of the lives of several of the pontiffs, which is printed by Muratori, in his magnificent collection of the writers of Italian history, contains the following encomium on Alexander V.

“This pontiff, who truly deserved the name of Alexander, would have surpassed in liberality all his predecessors, to the extent of a distant period, had he not been embarrassed by the insufficiency of his revenues. But so great was his poverty, after his accession to the papal chair, that he was accustomed to say, that when he was a bishop he was rich, when he became a cardinal he was poor, and when he was elected pontiff he was a beggar.”

A little while before his death he summoned the cardinals, who were then attendant on his court, to his bed-side, and after earnestly exhorting them to adopt such measures after his decease as were likely to secure the tranquillity of the church, he took leave of them, by repeating the words of our Saviour, “Peace I give you, my peace I leave unto you.”

In a manuscript volume, which formerly belonged to the house of Este, there occurs the following epitaph on this pontiff, the two concluding lines of which are so uncouth and obscure, that we may reasonably suspect some error on the part of the transcriber.

Divus Alexander, Cretensi oriundus ab orâ

Clauditur hoc saxo, summo venerandus honore.

Antea Petrus erat, sed celsâ sede potitus

Quintus Alexander fit, ceu sol orbe coruscans,

Relligione minor, post ad sublime vocatus.

Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, tom. vi. p. 842.

[53] Platina, tom. i. p. 389, 390.

[54] Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xxxix. xl. Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, lib. iii. ep. xvii. Leonardo Aretino was esteemed by his contemporaries too attentive to the minutiæ of œconomy. From the perusal of the following letter from Ermolao Barbaro to Pietro Cara, however, it should seem, that in the fifteenth century, complaints of the expensiveness of matrimony were by no means destitute of foundation.

“Duxit uxorem, clarus bello et pace vir Trivulcius, Neapolitanam, prænobili familiâ. Invitatus sum ad convivium, immo ad pontificiam, et adipalem cænam. At ego ad epulas primas satur, spectator potius quam conviva fui. Credo gratum fore vel tibi, vel posteris, si fercula quam brevissime descripsero, non ut Macrobius apud nostros, nec ut apud Græcos Athenæus justis voluminibus, sed ut occupatus homo, et ad epistolæ mensuram. Primum aqua manibus data, non ut apud nos, stantibus, sed accumbentibus, utique rosacea. Tum illati pugillares ex nucleis pineis, et saccaro pastilli. Item placentæ nucleis amygdalis, et saccaro confectæ, quos vulgo martios paneis vocamus. Secundum fertum altiles asparagi. Tertium pulpulæ, ita enim popinæ appellant et jecuscula. Quartum caro dorcadis tosta. Quintum capitula junicum vitulorumve una cum pellibus elixa. Sextum capi, gallinarum, columborumque pulli, bubuleis comitati linguis, et petasonibus, ac sumine omnibus elixis addito Lymonyacæ pultario, sic enim Cupediarii Mediolanenses vocant, quam nostri sermiacam. Septimum hedus integer tostus, in singulas singuli capidas, cum jure quod ex amaris Cerasis sive ut quidam malunt appellare laurocerasis, condimenti vico fungitur. Octavum turtures, perdices, phasiani, coturnices, turdi, ficedulæ, et omnino plurimi generis avitia, molliter et studiose tosta. Colymbades olivæ condimenti loco appositæ. Nonum gallus gallinaceus saccaro incoctus, et aspergine rosaceâ madefactus, singulis convivis, singuli patinis argenteis, ut et cætera quoque vascula. Decimum porcellus integer tostus, in singula singuli crateria jusculento quodam liquore perfusi. Undecimum pavi tosti, pro condimento leucopheon jus, immo ferugineum e jocinoribus pistis, et aromate pretiosi generis, ad portionem et Symmetriam additum; hyspani ... appellant. Duodecimum tostus orbis ex ovo, lacte, salvia, polline saccareo, Salviatum vocamus. Tertium decimum Struthea cotonea ex saccaro. Quartum decimum, Carduus, pinea, Icolymon sive Cynaram potius appellare convenit. Quintum decimum a lotis manibus, bellaria et tragemata omnis generis saccarea. Inducti mox histriones, pantomimi, petauristæ, aretalogi, funambuli, choraulæ, citharædi. Singulis porro ferculis præibant faces, atque tubæ; sub facibus inclusa caveis altilia, quadrupedes, aviculæ, omnia viventia generis ejus videlicet, cujus ea quæ magistri et structores cocta mensis inferebant; mensaæ per atrium abacis singulæ singulis dispositæ, sed et privi privis ministri. Ante omnia silentium quale ne pythagorici quidem servare potuissent. Vale Mediolani, Idibus Maiis, 1488.”—Politiani Epistolæ, lib. xii.

[55] Platina, tom. i. p. 390, 391.

[56] Platina, vol. i. p. 391.

[57] The correct title of Zabarella, was that of cardinal of St. Cosmo and St. Damien; but he is now generally known by the designation of cardinal of Florence.

[58] Poggii Opera, p. 255.

[59] Poggii Histor. Florent., p. 76.

[60] Leon. Aret. Epist., lib. iv. ep. iii.

[61] L’Enfant’s History of the Council of Constance, book i. sect. xxxix.

[62] Hodius de Græcis illustribus, p. 14.

[63] Hodius, p. 15.

[64] Hodius, p. 15.

[65] Ibid.

[66] Pietro Paulo Vegerio was a native of Capo d’Istria, a town situated at the extremity of the Adriatic gulf, not far from Trieste. He was eminent for his knowledge of the civil law, and made considerable proficiency in the study of philosophy and the mathematics. Under the instruction of Manuel Crysoloras, he also attained a respectable knowledge of the Grecian language. He composed a treatise, De moribus ingenuis, which was received by the literary characters of his time with considerable applause; and at the request of the emperor Sigismund, he translated into Latin Arrian’s history of the expedition of Alexander the Great. In the execution of this translation, he purposely avoided the cultivation of elegance of style, through an apprehension, as he himself said, lest his royal reader should stand in need of the assistance of an interpreter. He testified his zeal for the honour of classical learning, by publishing an invective against Carlo Malatesta, who, in detestation of heathens and heathenism, had removed from the market place of Mantua, a statue of Virgil. In the latter period of his life he lost his reason, which however returned at intervals before his death, the date of which event is uncertain.—Facius de Viris illustribus, p. 8.

[67] Hodius, p. 23.

[68] Hodius, p. 23.

[69] Poggii Opera, p. 297.

[70] Leonardo Aretini Epist., lib. iv. ep. iv. This letter is erroneously dated January 10, 1415. Aretino wrote from Constance a description of his journey to that city, on the 29th of December, 1414. It is therefore evidently impossible that he could have returned to Italy, and have there received letters from Poggio within twelve days from that date. For 1415, we should certainly read 1416.

[71] Leonardo Aretino, who does not appear to have possessed the slightest knowledge of Hebrew, in a very curious letter to Giovanni Cirignano, entered into a long train of argument, to prove the inutility of the study of that language. Nothing is more disgusting, than the propensity of men of narrow minds to undervalue those acquisitions in knowledge, to which they have not themselves attained; and which they consequently have not the means of appreciating. Excellent indeed is the precept of the Apulian bard,

“Neu tua plus laudes studia, aut aliena reprendas.”

This letter of Leonardo also shews the unhappy influence of religious bigotry and sacerdotal tyranny, in checking the progress of science. The most cogent argument which he advances, to prove the folly of spending time in the perusal of the Hebrew scriptures, is this, that St. Jerome having translated the Old Testament into Latin, whosoever presumes to study that book in the original, manifests a distrust of the fidelity of Jerome’s version.—Leonardi Aretini Epist., lib. ix. ep. xii.

[72] In the letter which Poggio wrote from Baden to Niccolo Niccoli, he says, that he wrote to him from Constance on the 19th of February, 1416; and in another letter, addressed to Leonardo Aretino, he says, that the trial of Jerome of Prague took place a few days after his return to the council. As Jerome’s last hearing, to which Poggio evidently alludes, took place May 30th, 1416, the date of Poggio’s journey to Baden is fixed between the above mentioned periods, that is, in the spring of 1416.

[73] L’Enfant’s History of the Council of Constance, vol. i. p. 167.

[74] Ibid, p. 188.

[75] L’Enfant’s History of the Council of Constance, vol. i. p. 204.

[76] Ibid, p. 512.

[77] Ibid, p. 584.

[78] In the Fasciculus Rer. expet. et fugiend. it is erroneously asserted that the following letter was addressed to Niccolo Niccoli.

[79] Poggii Opera, p. 301-305.

[80] See a letter from Poggio to Alberto di Sarteano, which is preserved in the collection of Ambrogio Traversari’s epistles, edited by Mehus, (lib. xxv. ep. xxii.) in which he defends his strictures on the immoralities of the clergy; his dialogue on Hypocrisy, printed in the second volume of the Fasciculus Rerum expetend. et fugiend.; his treatise on Avarice; and many of his epistles.

[81] The sentence passed by the council upon Jerome concluded with the following declaration. “Propter quæ eadem sancta synodus eundem Hieronymum palmitem putridum et aridum, in vite non manentem, foras mittendum decernit: ipsumque hæreticum, et in hæresim relapsum, excommunicatum, anathematizatum pronunciat et declarat atque damnat.”—Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et Fug., tom. i. p. 303.

[82] Leon. Aret. Epist., lib. iv. ep. x.

[83] Guarino Veronese, as his surname imports, was a native of Verona, in which city he was born A. D. 1370. Dedicating himself to study from his early years, he became a pupil of John of Ravenna. Not contented with acquiring, under the instructions of this able tutor, a knowledge of the Latin language, he undertook a voyage to Constantinople for the express purpose of reading the Greek classics in the school of Manuel Crysoloras. Ponticio Virunio, who flourished in the beginning of the 16th century, affirms, that when Guarino had finished his Greek studies, he returned to Italy with two large chests full of books, which he had collected during his residence in Constantinople; and that he was so much affected by the loss of one of these valuable packages, which perished in a shipwreck, that his hair became grey in the space of a single night. But this story is generally considered as fabulous. On his return to his native country, he adopted the profession of a public lecturer on Rhetoric, in which capacity he visited various cities of Italy. The names of these cities are thus enumerated by Janus Pannonius, who testified his gratitude for the benefit which he had derived from Guarino’s instructions, by composing a poem to his praise.

“Tu mare frænantes Venetōs, tu Antenoris alti

Instituis cives, tua te Verona legentem,

Finis et Italiæ stupuit sublime Tridentum;

Nec jam flumineum referens Florentia nomen,

Ac Phæbo quondam, nunc sacra Bononia Marti;

Tandem mansurum placidâ statione recepit

Pacis et aligeri Ferraria mater amoris.”

Ferrara was the last abode of Guarino. After having resided many years in that city under the protection of the Marquis d’Este, he there terminated a life of literary labour, in the year 1460, at the advanced age of ninety. Bartolomeo Facio, who had been of the number of his pupils, made mention of him during his lifetime in the following flattering terms.

“Artem Rhetoricam profitetur, quâ in re supra quinque et triginta annos se exercuit. Ab hoc uno plures docti et eloquentes viri facti sunt quam a ceteris omnibus hujus ordinis, ut non immerito quidam de eo dixerit quod de Isocrate dictum ferunt, plures ex ejus scholâ viros eruditos, quam ex equo Trojano milites prodiisse—Ejus quoque præstantiæ singulare testimonium est Epigramma hoc nobile Antonii Panormitæ editum ab illo quum vitâ functum audivisset.”

“Quantum Romulidæ sanctum videre Catonem,

Quantum Cepheni volitantem Persea cœlo,

Alciden Thebe pacantem viribus orbem,

Tantum læta suum vidit Verona Guarinum.”

Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital., tom. vi. p. 255 & seq.—Facius de Viris Illustr., p. 18.

[84] Poggii Opera, p. 305.

[85] Gasperino Barziza was a native of Bergamo, and was one of that numerous assemblage of scholars, who were indebted for their knowledge of the Latin tongue to John of Ravenna. He read lectures on Rhetoric, first at Padua, and afterwards at Milan. His writings are not numerous: they consist of a treatise on Orthography; another on Elegance of Composition; various Orations and Letters; and a commentary on the Epistles of Seneca. In undertaking to supply the deficiencies which occurred in Cicero’s treatise de Oratore, in consequence of the mutilated condition of the ancient copies of that elegant and useful work, he evinced a temerity of spirit which nothing but the most able execution of his task could have justified. Happily however for the admirers of ancient eloquence, the labours of Gasperino were rendered useless, by the discovery of a complete copy of the work in question, made by the Bishop of Lodi. It appears however that he had actually enlarged, by supplementary chapters, the imperfect copies of Quintilian’s Institutes. These were also superseded by the labours of Poggio in search of ancient manuscripts.

Several of Gasperino’s letters were edited by Josepho Alessandro Furietti, and published at Rome, in 4to. A. D. 1733.—Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers., p. xl. xlvi.—Agostini Scrittori Viniz., tom. i. p. 20, tom. xi. p. 8. Facius de Viris illus., p. 28.

[86] On the subject of matrimony, Francesco did not confine himself to theoretical speculations. Trusting that in Maria, daughter of Piero Loredano, procurator of St. Mark, he had found the union of good qualities which he had represented in his dissertation, as requisite to the formation of the character of a good wife, he married that lady in the year 1419.

So great was the reputation of his eloquence and prudence, that he had scarcely attained the age of twenty-one, when notwithstanding the prohibition of the Venetian law, he was admitted by the Concilio Maggiore into the number of the senators. Three years after his exaltation to this honour, he was appointed to the government of Como, which office, however, he did not think proper to accept. It does not appear what were the motives which induced him to decline this honour. His biographer Agostini attributes his conduct in this instance to his modesty. If this amiable virtue, a quality of such rare occurrence in the history of statesmen, prevented him from undertaking the chief magistracy of the city of Como, it should seem that it did not long continue to obstruct him in his way to preferment, since in the same year in which he is supposed to have been thus diffident of his abilities, he suffered himself to be invested with the government of Trivigi, in which city he presided for the space of twelve months. The inhabitants of Trivigi lamented his departure, and long entertained a respectful remembrance of the wisdom of his administration. At the expiration of twenty-four years after the termination of his government, they applied for his advice in the choice of a public preceptor; and on this occasion, Francesco assured them, that he should always regard their welfare as an object of his particular attention. Immediately after his return to the Venetian capital, he was appointed, in conjunction with Leonardo Giustiniano, to compliment the eastern emperor Palæologus on his arrival in Venice. In the execution of this commission, he pronounced a Greek oration with such elegance and purity of style and diction, that, as a contemporary writer affirms, “He seemed to have been educated in the school of Homer.” Early in the year 1424 he was nominated to the præfecture of Vicenza. On his accession to this office, he found the laws of that city in such a state of confusion, that he deemed it absolutely necessary to reduce them to order and consistency. With the assistance of a committee of Vicentians, appointed for that purpose, and of Antonio Lusco, a celebrated civilian, he happily accomplished this difficult and delicate undertaking. Francesco was also the means of conferring upon the citizens of Vicenza another public benefit, in inducing George of Trebisond, whom he had invited from his native island Candia, to Italy, to settle amongst them, in quality of professor of the Greek language. In the year 1426 he was sent by the Venetian seignory to Rome, invested with the office of embassador extraordinary at the pontifical court. The object of his mission was to persuade Martin V. to enter into an alliance with his countrymen against the duke of Milan, with whom the Venetians were then at war. The pontiff, as became the common father of the faithful, interposed his good offices between the contending powers; and after encountering a variety of difficulties, he at length had the satisfaction of assembling a congress at Ferrara, which terminated April 18th, 1428, in the signing of a definite treaty of peace between the Venetians and their adversary. At this congress Francesco assisted as one of the deputies of his republic.

In the course of the war, the Venetians had taken the city of Bergamo. Of this newly acquired possession, Francesco Barbaro administered the government in 1430. On the expiration of this office, he was raised to the dignity of counsellor, and in the year 1433 he was elected by the Venetian government as a member of the embassy of honour, which they deputed to attend the emperor Sigismund, who purposed to travel through the states of the republic, on his way to the city of Basil, where the general council was then assembled. On this occasion, the Venetian envoys received from the emperor the honour of knighthood. So great was the esteem which Sigismund had conceived of the good qualities of Barbaro, that, with the permission of the seignory, he dispatched him into Bohemia upon the difficult errand of soothing the irritation, and abating the zeal of the confederated heretics. Nor was this the only instance of the trust reposed in the fidelity of Francesco by foreign princes. On his return from Germany he was employed by Eugenius IV. in conducting a negociation with the emperor. His reputation being increased by these striking testimonies to his merits, in the year 1434 he was appointed to the important and honourable government of Verona. In this station he conducted himself with his wonted wisdom, and consequently gained the esteem and affection of his subjects. Soon after the expiration of the term of his new government, he was dispatched to Florence, on an embassy to Eugenius IV. who then held his court in that city. During this visit to Florence, the following circumstance took place, which is related by Maffei as a proof of the patience and forbearance of his temper. The steward of his household having been reproved by his nephew Daniello Barbaro, was so much irritated, that he drew his sword, and attacked the youth with an intention of killing him. Daniello complained of this outrage to his uncle. Francesco sent for the offender, who vented his rage in the most violent and indecent reproaches against his master. The by-standers trembled for the life of the steward, when, to their astonishment, Francesco thus addressed him. “Begone! and act more prudently in future; I would not wish that your faults should make me lose that patience, of which, luckily for you, I am now possessed.”

In the year 1437 Francesco was appointed governor of Brescia. In the discharge of the duties of this office, he was obliged to call into exercise the full vigour of his abilities. At the time of his appointment the Venetians were at war with the duke of Milan, whose general, Piccinino, menaced their western borders with a powerful army; and in the month of September encamped before Brescia. On Francesco’s arrival in that city he had found it torn by faction, and scantily supplied with provisions. But by his prudent exertions he reconciled the contending families, and used the most strenuous exertions to provide the place with the necessary supplies. Encouraged by his example, the inhabitants repelled the attacks of the enemy with great valour, and patiently endured the evils of famine and pestilence, consequent upon their being for the space of three months closely confined within the walls of the town. At length, in the month of December, they had the satisfaction of seeing the Milanese forces retire. In gratitude for Francesco’s strenuous exertions in their defence, the inhabitants of Brescia presented him with a banner ornamented with the armorial bearings of their city; and when he returned to Venice, to give the seignory an account of the events of his administration, the Brescian deputies detailed his services to that august assembly in the most flattering terms.

He was afterwards called to the discharge of various other public offices, in which he acquitted himself in such a manner as to obtain universal commendation. A most unequivocal testimony to his honour and intelligence occurred, A. D. 1444, when he was chosen by the inhabitants of Verona and Vicenza as umpire to settle a dispute which had arisen between those communities about the limits of their respective territories. Having passed through all the inferior offices of the state, on the 5th of January, 1452, he received what he regarded as an ample reward of his labours, in being elected procurator of St. Mark. Two years after his exaltation to this distinguished honour, his earthly career of glory was terminated by his death, which event took place towards the end of January, 1454.

His remains were interred in the church of Santa Maria Gloriosa, and the following inscription marks the spot where his body is deposited.

“Si quis honos, si fas lacrymis decorare sepultos,

Flete super tumulum, mœstisque replete querelis.

Franciscus, cui prisca parem vix secla tulerunt,

Barbarus hic situs est; linguæ decus omne Latinæ.

Fortia facta viri pro libertate Senatûs

Brixia, quam magno tenuit sudore, fatetur.

Hic summi ingenii, scriptis, monumenta reliquit;

Græcaque præterea fecit Romana. Tenet nunc

Spiritus astra; sacros tumulus complectitur artus.”

The life of this illustrious scholar was so much occupied by active pursuits, that the catalogue of his writings is necessarily short. The following productions of his pen are still extant.

1. Francisci Barbari Veneti pro insigni Viro Joannino Conradino Veneto Physico Epitaphios Logos. Manuscript copies of this oration were preserved in the Dominican monastery of S. Nicolò, in Trivigi, and in the library of Apostolo Zeno.

2. Francisci Barbari Veneti Laudatio in Albertum Guidalotum cum eum in Academâ Patavinâ J. V. laureâ decoraret. This oration was published by Bernardo Pez, in a collection entitled Thesarurus novissimus Anecdotorum.

3. Francisci Barbari Veneti ad insignem Laurentium de Medicis Florentinum de Re Uxoriâ Liber. The autograph of this treatise is preserved in the Medicean library at Florence; an early edition of it, of uncertain date, was printed at Antwerp. In the year 1513 it was printed at Paris, in 4to. in œdibus Ascensianis. In 1533 it was printed at Hagenau, in 8vo. A duodecimo edition of it was published at Strasbourg, in 1612; and another in the same form at Amsterdam, by John Janson, in 1639. This treatise was twice translated into the French language, first by Martin du Pin, and afterwards by Claude Joly. A beautiful MS. copy of the original Latin is preserved in the Cheetham library, in Manchester.

4. Eloquentissimi ac Patricii viri Francisci Barbari Veneti Vitæ Aristidis et Majoris Catonis a Plutarcho conscriptæ, a Græco in Latinum versæ. This translation was printed in an edition of Plutarch’s lives, published at Venice, by Nicolas Jenson, A. D. 1478, in folio; and in the Basil folio edition of the same work, printed by Bebelius in 1535. In Jenson’s edition, the version of the life of Aristides is erroneously ascribed to Leonardo Aretino.

5. Oratio Clariss. Viri Francisci Barbari ad Sigismundum Cæsarem pro Republicâ Venetá acta Ferrariæ. Agostini has printed this oration in his Istoria degli Scrittori Viniziani, after a MS. copy belonging to Marco Foscarini.

6. Oratio Francisci Barbari Patricii Veneti, habita, anno 1438, in templo Sanctorum Faustini et Jovitæ cum civitatis Brixiensis Magistratum iniret. This oration is to be found in Pez’s Thesaurus.

7. Francisci Barbari P. V. Apologia ad Mediolanenses pro populo Brixiensi, anno 1439. A MS. copy of this work is preserved in the Vatican library.

8. Oratio Francisci Barbari P. V. ad Populum Brixiensem in renunciatione illius Civitatis. This is in fact a report of an extempore speech of Francesco’s, composed from memory by Manelli, in whose Commentaries it is printed.

9. Francisci Barbari, et aliorum ad ipsum Epistolæ ab anno Christi 1425, ad annum 1453, nunc primum editæ ex duplici MS. Cod. Brixiano et Vaticano uno, &c. Brixiæ excudebat Joannes Maria Rizzardi, 1743, in Quarto magno. This collection of Francesco’s epistles, which was edited by Cardinal Quirini, contains 284 of his letters, besides 94 addressed to him by various correspondents. In the learned dissertation prefixed to this publication, the cardinal has quoted at length fourteen other epistles of Barbaro.

10. Francisci Barbari viri illustris. pro Flavio Forliviensi pro Proemio descriptionis Italiæ illustratæ. Ad Alphonsum Serenissimum Arragonum Regem. Cardinal Quirini, in the above mentioned dissertation, has printed this præfatory essay, which was written by Barbaro, in the name of Flavio Biondo.

11. Epitaphium clarissimi viri Francisci Barbari Veneti in laudem Gathamelatæ Imperatoris Gentis Venetorum. This epitaph Agostini has published in his Istoria degli Scrittori Viniziani, from a MS. preserved in the Guarnerian library in Friuli.

Agostini Istoria degli Scrittori Viniziani, tom. ii. p. 28-134.

[87] Leonardi Aretini Epistolæ, l. iv. ep. v.

[88] This letter from Poggio to Guarino Veronese is printed by L’Enfant, in the supplement to the second volume of his Poggiana, from a MS. in the Wolfenbuttle library. See Poggiana, tom. ii. p. 309.

[89] Mehus is of opinion that the copy of Quintilian, thus found by Poggio, is preserved in the Laurentian library.—Præfatio ad vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxiv.

[90] Mehi Præfatio ad vitam Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxv. xxxvi.

[91] The manuscript of this author was sent by Poggio to Martin V. who permitted Niccolo Niccoli to transcribe it. Niccolo’s transcript is preserved in the Marcian library at Florence.—Mehi Præfat. p. xxxvii. xxxviii.

[92] Poggio transmitted his newly recovered copy of Lucretius to Niccolo Niccoli, who, with his usual diligence, made with his own hand a transcript of it, which is yet extant in the Laurentian library.—Mehi Præfat. p. xxxviii.

[93] Poggio found this copy of Tertullian in a monastery of the monks of Clugny at Rome. By some means the cardinal Ursini got possession of it, and morosely locked it up from the inspection of the learned. At the instance of Lorenzo de’ Medici, however, he suffered the manuscript to be transported to Florence, where it was copied, first by Ambrogio Traversari, and afterwards by Niccolo Niccoli. The transcript of Niccoli is lodged in the library of St. Mark.—Mehi Præfatio, p. xxxix.

[94] The volume which Nicolas of Treves thus conveyed from Germany, contained, besides four comedies which had been already recovered, the following twelve, which had been till then unknown, Bacchides, Mostellaria, Menæchmi, Miles gloriosus, Mercator, Pseudolus Pœnulus, Persa, Rudens, Stichus, Trinummus, Truculentus—This volume was seized by cardinal Ursini, who would not permit Poggio to take a copy of it. Poggio highly resented the illiberality of the cardinal’s conduct. “I have not been able,” says he, addressing himself to Niccolo Niccoli, “to get possession of Plautus. Before the cardinal’s departure, I begged him to send you the book, but he refused to comply with my request. I do not understand what the man means. He seems to think that he has done something great, though in fact he has not had the least participation in the discovery of the book. It was found by another, but it is hidden by him. I told both him and his people, that I would never again ask him for the book, and I shall be as good as my word. I had rather unlearn what I have learnt, than acquire any knowledge by the means of his books.” By the interposition of Lorenzo de’ Medici, however, the cardinal was induced to intrust the volume to Niccolo Niccoli, who copied it, and returned it to the Cardinal. Niccolo’s copy is deposited in the Marcian library.—Mehi Præfatio, p. xi-xliii.

[95] Joannes Polenus, who published an elegant edition of Frontinus de Aquæductis at Padua in the year 1722, procured a transcript of this manuscript, which was still preserved in the monastery of Monte Cassino, and which he found to be much more correct than any printed editions of Frontinus’s treatise. It is in the form of a quarto volume, written on parchment, and, as appears from a fac simile of the first ten or twelve lines, in a very legible character. From the form of the letters, Polenus conjectures that it was written at the end of the thirteenth, or the beginning of the fourteenth century.—Prolegomena ad Poleni editionem Frontini de Aquæductis, p. 19, 20.

Mention is made of this manuscript by Mabillon, in his Museum Italicum, tom. i. p. 123.

[96] Mehi Præfatio, p. xlviii. xlix.

[97] Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 285. To the decline of life Poggio retained a considerable degree of indignation, which was at this time excited in his mind, by the indifference with which his labours to recover the lost writers of antiquity were regarded by the great. In the introduction to his dialogue, De Infelicitate Principum, he puts the following strictures on their conduct into the mouth of Niccolo Niccoli.—“When many of the ancient classics had been brought to light by our friend Poggio, and there was a most flattering prospect of the recovery of others of still greater consequence, no sovereign prince or pontiff contributed in the least degree to the liberation of those most excellent authors from the prisons of the barbarians. These exalted personages spend their days and their money in pleasures, in unworthy pursuits, in pestiferous and destructive wars. So great is their mental torpidity, that nothing can rouse them to search after the works of excellent writers, by whose wisdom and learning mankind are taught the way to true felicity.”—Poggii Opera, p. 394.

[98] Mehi Præfatio, p. xlvi. xlvii.

[99] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxx.

[100] Mehi Præfatio, p. xlvii.

[101] Mehus, on the authority of one Vespasiano di Filippo, says, that he was born of poor parents. The author of his life, in the Elogi degli Illustri uomini Toscani, maintains, on the contrary, that his family was graced with the honours of nobility; and he supports his position by very cogent arguments. These different statements may be reconciled by an hypothesis by no means devoid of probability, namely, that the father of Ambrogio was descended of noble blood, but that the fortunes of his house were fallen to decay.

[102] Demetrius was so much pleased with the respectful attention which he received from his Camaldolese pupils, that he became a member of their fraternity in the year 1416.—Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. ccclxv.

[103] Elogi degli uomini illus. Toscani, tom. i. p. cccxl. Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. ccclxiv. & seq. Ejusdem Præfatio ad Colucii Salutati Epistolas, p. xli.

[104] Poggii Opera, p. 252-261.

[105] Muratori Annali d’Italia, tom. ix. p. 84.

[106] Ibid.

[107] From a MS. which is preserved at Vienna, L’Enfant has given the following list of the persons who attended this wonderfully numerous assembly—Knights, 2300—Prelates, Priests, and Presbyters, 18,000—Laymen 80,000. In a more detailed catalogue, the Laymen are thus enumerated—Goldsmiths, 45—Shopkeepers, 330—Bankers, 242—Shoemakers, 70—Furriers, 48,—Apothecaries, 44—Smiths, 92—Confectioners, 75—Bakers belonging to the pope, &c. 250—Vintners of Italian wines, 83—Victuallers for the poorer sort, 43—Florentine Money-changers, 48—Tailors, 228—Heralds at Arms, 65—Jugglers, or Merry Andrews, 346—Barbers, 306—Courtezans, whose habitations were known to the author of the list, 700. It should seem, however, that this industrious chronicler had not visited all these professional ladies, as the Vienna list estimates their number at 1500! From a memorandum subjoined to this list, it appears, that during the sitting of the council, one of these frail fair ones earned the sum of 800 Florins.—L’Enfant’s History of the Council of Constance, vol. ii. p. 415-416.

[108] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 89.

[109] Ibid. p. 96.

[110] L’Enfant’s History of the Council of Constance, vol. ii. p. 143.

[111] See Tonelli’s Epistolarium Poggii, lib. i. epist. xi.

[112] See Henry’s History of Great Britain, vol. x. p. 109-128.

[113] Thus William of Wyrcester tells us, that the duke of York returned from Ireland, “et arrivavit apud Redbank prope Cestriam.”—Henry’s History ut supra.

[114] Though Poggio carefully examined the libraries of many of the English monasteries, he discovered in them only one manuscript which he esteemed of any value, namely the Chronicle of Sigebert, a monk who lived in the tenth century. See Ton.-Tr. vol. i. p. 116.

[115] Flavio Biondo, who was born at Forli, in the year 1388, was a descendant of the illustrious family of Ravaldini. He has himself recorded the fact, that he studied Grammar, Rhetoric, and Poetry, under the instructions of Giovanni Ballistario, of Cremona. At an early age he was commissioned by his countrymen to conduct some negociations at the court of Milan; and it was during his visit to that city, that he executed the task of copying the newly-discovered manuscript of Cicero’s treatise, De Claris Oratoribus. In the year 1430, he was making preparations for a journey to Rome; but Francesco Barbaro, who held him in the highest esteem, and who had procured for him the privileges of a Venetian citizen, having been lately appointed governor of the Bergamese district, induced him to give up this design, and to accompany him to Bergamo, invested with the confidential office of chancellor of that city. He afterwards entered into the Roman chancery, under the patronage of Eugenius IV., by whom he was employed in the year 1434, in conjunction with the bishop of Recanati, to solicit, on his behalf, the assistance of the Florentines and Venetians. He continued to hold the office of apostolic secretary during the pontificate of Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and Pius II. In the year 1459 he attended the last mentioned pontiff to the council of Mantua. From that city he returned to Rome, where he died on the 4th of June, 1463, leaving five sons, all well instructed in literature.

Of his numerous publications the following are the most considerable.

1. Roma Instaurata—A work of great erudition, in which he gave a most exact description of the buildings, gates, temples, and other monuments of ancient Rome, which still resisted the destructive hand of time.

2. Roma Triumphans—This is also a most elaborate treatise, which contains an account of the laws, constitution, religion, and sacred ceremonies of the Roman republic, collected from the incidental notices of these subjects, which are scattered through the wide extent of Latin literature.

3. Of a similar description is his Italia Illustrata, in which he describes Italy, according to its ancient division into fourteen regions, and details the origin and history of each province and city. This work he composed at the request of Alphonso, king of Naples.

4. A treatise, De Origine et Gestis Venetorum.

5. He undertook a work of still greater extent than any of those which have been enumerated above, viz. A General History of the period extending from the decline of the Roman Empire to his own times. He had finished three decads and the first book of the fourth of this work, when its prosecution was interrupted by his death.

“In all these works,” says Tiraboschi, “though Biondo occasionally deviates into various errors, he displays a singular diligence in collecting from all authors whatever appertains to his subject; and when it is considered, that they are the first essays in their kind, they cannot but give the reader a high idea of the prodigious learning and unwearied application of their author.”

The historical works of Biondo, translated into Italian by Lucio Fauno, were printed at Venice by Michel Tramezzino. A general collection of his writings was also printed in folio, at Basil, by Frobenius, A. D. 1531 and 1539. Apostolo Zeno Dissertazioni Vossiane, tom. i. p. 229, &c. Tiraboschi Storia della Let. Ital. tom. vi. p. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.

[116] Mehi Præfatio, p. xlvi.

[117] Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 117.

[118] It is rather an extraordinary circumstance, that Ambrogio Traversari, the celebrated superior of the monastery of Camaldoli, in several of his letters to Niccolo Niccoli, requests his correspondent to present his compliments to this Benvenuta, whom he distinguishes by the title of fœmina fidelissima. Shall we suppose, that the reverend ecclesiastic was so little acquainted with the private history of the Florentine gentry, as to be ignorant of the intercourse which subsisted between Benvenuta and his friend—or shall we conclude that he did not regard this intercourse as a breach of moral duty?—Ambrogii Traversarii Epistolæ, lib. viii. ep. ii. iii. v. &c.

[119] Leonardi Aretini Epis. lib. v. ep. iv.

[120] Mehus, in his list of the works of Leonardo Aretino, intimates that a copy of this invective is preserved in the library of New College, Oxford. A strict and laborious search, made by direction of the Warden of New College, in the month of November, 1801, has ascertained the fact, that it does not now exist there. The catalogue of that valuable repository of learning does indeed make mention of a MS. volume, as containing the oration in question. On an accurate examination of this volume, however, no trace was found of Leonardo’s Invective, nor any appearances to justify the suspicion, that this or any other work has been withdrawn from it by the rapacity of literary peculation.

[121] “Nam ut alias ad te seripsi, non ignoro, quam grave sit subire onus Clerici, et quantâ curâ oporteat eos torqueri, si quâ sint conscientiâ, qui ex beneficio vivunt. Quum enim præmia non dentur, nisi laboranti, qui non laborat ut ait Apostolus, non manducet. Hæc tamen dicuntur facilius quam fiant, et ut vulgo aiunt, satius est in manibus Dei incidere quam hominis. Sed tamen si opus Petri, hoc est promissio perficeretur, relinquerem ista sacra, ad quæ nonnisi invitus accedo, non quod Religionem spernam aliquo modo, sed quia non confido me talem futurum, qualem describunt esse debere.”—Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 1123.

These were the sentiments of Poggio, in the season of serious meditation. On another occasion, when irritated by the sarcasms of Cardinal Julian, he ascribed his abjuration of the priesthood to a somewhat different motive. “Nolo esse Sacerdos, nolo Beneficia; vidi enim plurimos, quos bonos viros censebam, maxime autem liberales, post susceptum sacerdotium avoras esse et nulli deditos virtuti, sed inertiæ, otio, voluptati. Quod ne mihi quoque accidat veritus, decrevi procul a vestro ordine consummere hoc, quidquid superest, temporis perigrinationis meæ; ex hâc enim magnâ capitis Sacerdotum rasurâ, conspicio non solum pilos abradi, sed etiam conscientiam et virtutem.”—Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvii.

[122] See Tonelli Epistolarium Poggii, lib. i. ep. 18.

[123] Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 1122.

[124] Poggii Opera, p. 69.

[125] Ibid, p. 36.

[126] Poggii Opera, p. 474.

[127] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 93.

[128] Poggii Historia Flor. lib. iv. v. Martin was particularly offended by a ballad, the burthen of which was Papa Martino non vale un quattrino. Ibid, p. 203. apud notas.—Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 103.

[129] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 97.

[130] Bologna surrendered to Braccio after a short siege, July 15th, 1420. Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 98.

[131] Platina, p. 398.

[132] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 93. Baldassare Cossa is generally distinguished by the pontifical appellation of John XXIII. He was however in fact only the twenty-second of that name who filled the papal chair. The mistake in his designation arises from the extraordinary circumstance of the annalists of the holy see having admitted into the series of pontiffs the famous pope Joan, who it is asserted, on succeeding Leo IV. in the pontificate, assumed the name of John VII. This ecclesiastical Amazon is said to have been an Englishwoman, who went in man’s attire with her lover to Athens, where she made such a proficiency in her studies, that she rose through the subordinate degrees of clerical preferment to the supreme honours of the pontificate. It is further alleged, that having become pregnant by one of her domestics, she was seized with the pains of labour, as she was conducting a procession to the church of St. John Lateran, and expired in the street. This improbable story is related by Platina, who observes, however, that though it is commonly believed, it rests upon doubtful authority. He informs us, that those who maintain the truth of this narration, allege in proof of its authenticity, two circumstances, namely, that the pontiffs always avoid passing through the street where this untoward accident is said to have happened: and that on the installation of a newly elected pope, he is obliged to undergo a ceremony, which would infallibly detect any attempt at a repetition of the above-mentioned imposture. With regard to the first of these allegations, Platina acknowledges the fact of the pontiff’s avoiding the supposed scene of Joan’s disgrace; but says, that the reason of this is, that the street in question is too narrow to admit the passage of a crowded retinue. With regard to the second, he makes the following truly curious remark. “De secundâ ita sentio, sedem illam (perforatam sedem scilicet ubi pontificis genitalia ab ultimo diacono attrectantur) ad id paratam esse, ut qui in tanto magistratu constuitur sciat se non deum sed hominem esse, et necessitatibus naturæ, utpote egerendi subjectum esse, unde merito stercoraria sedes vocatur.”

In the annotations subjoined by Panvinio to the Italian translation of Platina’s history, published at Venice, A. D. 1744, it is most satisfactorily proved, that this story of John VII., alias pope Joan, is a gross falsehood, invented by one Martin, a monk.

[133] Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 137.

[134] Leon. Aret. Epist. lib. iv. ep. xxi.

[135] Ibid, lib. iv. ep. xxii.

[136] Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 297.

[137] This embassy occurred in the year, 1426.—Agostini Istoria degli Scrittori Viniziani, tom. ii. p. 58, 59, 60.

[138] Poggii Opera, p. 306.

[139] Ibid, p. 347.

[140] Poggii Opera, p. 347.

[141] Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 161.

[142] Of this great personage Poggio has recorded an anecdote, which at once commemorates her reputation for gallantry, and her ready wit. “The Florentines,” says he, “once sent a certain doctor of laws of the name of Francesco as their embassador to the court of Naples. Francesco being apprised of the amorous disposition of the reigning queen Joanna, requested on his second interview with her majesty, that she would grant him a private audience, as he was instructed by his republic to communicate certain matters to her majesty alone. The queen accordingly withdrew with him into an inner apartment, where after a short preliminary conversation, he abruptly made to her a declaration of love; on which Joanna looked upon him with a pleasant smile, and said, Was this also in your instructions?”—Poggii Opera, p. 448.

[143] Whilst Louis II., on whose claim that of Louis III. was founded, was on his march from Provence to the Neapolitan frontier, he was visited in his camp by Rodolfo of Camerino, to whom he made an ostentatious display of a valuable assortment of jewels, which he destined as ornaments of the regal state, which he flattered himself he should shortly attain. Rodolfo, unmoved by the brilliant spectacle, asked him what was the value and use of this collection. Louis answered, that it was very valuable, but of no utility. “I can show you at my house,” replied Rodolfo, “a pair of stones which cost only ten florins, and annually produce me a revenue of two hundred.” The duke was astonished at this assertion; but Rodolfo soon solved the riddle, by shewing him a mill which he had lately erected, intimating at the same time, that a wise man will always prefer utility to finery.—Poggii Opera, p. 440.

Rodolfo was indeed a man of very phlegmatic humour, as appears by the advice which he gave to one of his fellow-citizens, who informed him of his intention of travelling with a view of seeing the curiosities of different countries. “Go,” said he, “to the neighbouring town of Macerata, and there you will see hills, valleys, and plains, wood and water, lands cultivated and uncultivated. This is the world in miniature; for travel as far as you please, and you will see nothing else.”—Poggii Opera, p. 441.

[144] Platina, p. 399.—Tiraboschi storia della Letteratura Ital. tom. vi. p. 8.

[145] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 114, 119, 120, 121.

[146] Ibid, p. 116.

[147] Poggii Epist. a Tonel. lib. i. ep. 17.

[148] Poggii Hist. Florent. p. 253. In his Facetiæ, Poggio relates the following instance, which occurred during the course of this contest, of the freedom of speech in which Filippo Maria permitted one of his domestics to indulge himself.

“The old duke of Milan, a prince in all respects of singular good taste, had an excellent cook, whom he had sent to France to learn the art of dressing nice dishes. In the great war which he carried on against the Florentines, he one day received some bad news, which gave him a good deal of uneasiness. Soon after the arrival of this intelligence he sat down to dinner. The dishes not at all pleasing him, he sent for his cook, and reproved him severely for his unskilfulness. The cook, who was accustomed to take great liberties with his master, replied, I can assure your highness that the dishes are excellently dressed—And if the Florentines have taken away your appetite, how am I to blame?”—Poggii Opera, p. 425.

This anecdote proves that Filippo inherited from his father a fondness of good living, and also intimates, that even at this early period, our Gallic neighbours were noted for their skill in cookery.

[149] Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xliv.

[150] Ibid.

[151] Mehi Vita Leonardi Aretini, p. xliv.

[152] “Volui satisfacere amori in te meo, et tecum congratulari, quemadmodum solemus ei, qui uxorem duxit, cum onus subeat grave, difficile et molestum.”—Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 167.

[153] It should seem that Humphrey, duke of Gloucester, who at this time governed the kingdom of England in quality of Protector, regarded this commission of the cardinal’s with a jealous eye. With a view of preventing the mischiefs which might ensue upon the exercise of foreign authority in the English dominions, he summoned Beaufort into his presence; and by a formal and express act, which set forth, that the legates of the pope had never been permitted to enter into England, except by summons, invitation, or permission of the king, which summons, invitation, or permission, Beaufort had not received, protested against his exercising the authority of legate in the king’s dominions in any form or manner whatever. To this protest Beaufort put in a formal answer, that it was not his intention in any thing to derogate from, or contravene the rights, privileges, liberties, or customs of the king or kingdom. This protest was made November 11th, 1428. It is printed in the appendix to Brown’s Fasciculus Rerum expetendarum et Fugiendarum, p. 618, from an ancient register, formerly in the possession of archbishop Sancroft.

For the purpose of raising money to defray the expense of the crusade, boxes emblazoned with the sign of the cross were fixed in the churches, in which the friends of the true faith were exhorted to deposit their contributions. To give additional stimulus to the zeal of the pious, the pontiff issued a bull, whereby he granted an indulgence of one hundred days to those who should attend the preaching of the crusade—a full pardon of all their sins, and an assurance of eternal happiness, to those who took the cross and served against the heretics at their own expense. The same premium was offered to those, who fully intending to perform this meritorious service, should happen to die before they joined the army; and to those who should send a soldier or soldiers to fight, at their expense, for the propagation of the true faith. This latter provision was particularly addressed to the women, who were graciously informed by the cardinal, that those females, who, being prevented by their poverty from maintaining each a warrior at their own expense, should enter into joint subscriptions for the purpose, should be entitled to considerable privileges; and so grateful was his holiness even for the gift of good wishes, that he granted six days’ indulgence to those who fasted and prayed in order to promote the success of the expedition.—Appendix to Brown’s Fasciculus, p. 621, 625, 630.

[154] Hollinshead’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 602.—Stowe’s Annals, p. 371.—Platina, p. 400.

[155] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 136.—Platina, p. 401.

[156] Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 155.

[157] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 173.

[158] Tonelli Poggii Epist. tom. i. lib. iii. ep. xxxv.

[159] Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 178. Ambrogii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 978.

[160] This Bernardino had for some time preached with uncommon applause to crowded audiences in the churches of Florence. The talents of a popular orator generally procure their possessor as many enemies as friends. Several ecclesiastics, who were envious of the reputation of Bernardino, took advantage of a daring flight of rhetoric, into which he was betrayed by the enthusiasm of his zeal, to endeavour to accomplish his ruin. In order to enforce his eloquence, in describing some impressive scene, (probably the sufferings of Christ) he exhibited to the people a picture, in which the transaction to which he alluded was delineated. Of this exhibition his detractors complained to the pope, as a kind of profanation of the rites of the church; and Bernardino was obliged to repair to Rome to vindicate his cause. Though the pontifical court was inflamed with prejudice against him by the artifices of his accusers, so captivating was his eloquence, that when he was permitted to preach in Rome, the ecclesiastics of the highest eminence, as well as the populace, being attracted by his fame to hear his discourses, listened to him with enthusiastic admiration. Martin V. commanded him to abstain for the future from the exhibition of pictures; he readily complied with this injunction, and by his prompt obedience obtained the favour of the pontiff, who during the remainder of his life treated him with distinguished kindness.—Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. lib. ii. ep. xl. xli.

[161] Poggii Opera, p. 13.

[162] In the original sketch of this dialogue, Poggio had attributed the first part of the attack on Avarice to Cincio, one of the apostolic secretaries; but on the admonition of Lusco, that as Cincio had the reputation of being a covetous man, an invective against that vice would be out of character, if represented as proceeding from him, he substituted in his place Bartolomeo di Montepulciano. The defence of Avarice he assigned to Lusco, because Lusco being generous even to extravagance, there was no reason to fear, lest the imputed patronage of so selfish a passion, should be supposed to convey an implied impeachment of his character.—Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. lib. xxv. epist. xliii.

[163] Tiraboschi Storia della Letteratura Italiana, tom. vi. part 2d. p. 363. Poggio has recorded a notable story of one of these indiscreet orators, who in the fervour of a declamation against the vice of adultery, declared, that he had such a detestation of that offence, that he had much rather commit the sin of unchastity with ten virgins than with one married woman.—Poggii Opera, p. 433.

[164] Appendix ad Fasciculum Rer. Expet. et Fug. p. 578. Poggio has commemorated in his Facetiæ a mortifying explanation which one of these noisy orators provoked by his overweening vanity. “A monk,” says he, “preaching to the populace, made a most enormous and uncouth noise, by which a good woman, one of his auditors, was so much affected, that she burst into a flood of tears. The preacher, attributing her grief to remorse of conscience, excited within her by his eloquence, sent for her, and asked her why she was so piteously affected by his discourse. Holy father, answered the mourner, I am a poor widow, and was accustomed to maintain myself by the labour of an ass, which was left me by my late husband. But alas! my poor beast is dead, and your preaching brought his braying so strongly to my recollection, that I could not restrain my grief.”—Poggii Opera, p. 497.

[165] Alberto derived the designation of Da Sarteano from a small town in Tuscany, where he was born, A. D. 1385. At an early age he enrolled himself in the number of the conventuals, and afterwards joined the stricter order of the Fratres Observantiæ. In the year 1424 he went to Verona, where he studied the Greek language under the instruction of Guarino Veronese. In the following year he paid a visit to Francesco Barbaro, who was then governor of Trivigi. Here he met with the famous preacher Bernardino, at whose instance he undertook the popular employment of an itinerant preacher. In this capacity he not only traversed a great part of Italy, but crossing the sea, he went to preach the true gospel amongst the schismatics and infidels of Greece, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Armenia. It was in consequence of his representations that the patriarch of the last-mentioned province attended the council of Basil, when in the name of his countrymen he submitted to the decisions of the Latin church. Alberto closed a life of religious labours in the year 1450, at Milan, where he was interred in the church of St. Angelo. A collection of his works, consisting principally of sermons and theological tracts, was published at Rome, A. D. 1688.—Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. tom. vi. p. 214, 215, 216.

[166] Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 978, 979, 1019, 1125. Poggii Opera. p. 317, 318, 319.

[167] It is printed in the Appendix to the Fasciculus Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum; a collection of fugitive tracts, intended to display the errors of the church of Rome.

This collection, which was first published at Cologne, A. D. 1535, by Orthuinus Gratius, of Deventer, was republished, with considerable additions, by Edward Brown, at London, A. D. 1689, at which period the avowed predilection of James II. for the Roman Catholic doctrines had given alarm to the zealous Protestants of England.

[168] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 142.—Platina, p. 402.

[169] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxiii.

[170] Platina, p. 402, 403.—Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 143.—Poggii Historia de varietate Fortunæ, p. 100.

[171] Poggii Histor. Flor. lib. vi.

[172] Te fama est peragrare Germaniam ad apparatum belli contra Boemos. Id quidem laudo; sed considera diligenter, non quantum animi sit tibi ad pugnam, sed quantum virium armorum, ne magis animatus quam armatus in aciem accedas; et barbatum nostrum cave, ne auribus lupum teneas.—Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxiii. This letter is dated May 11th, 1431.

[173] L’Enfant Histoire de la guerre des Hussites, tom. i. p. 315.

[174] Some writers assert, that the number of the pontifical troops amounted to ninety, others to one hundred and thirty thousand men. But the numbers of forces are almost always exaggerated.—L’Enfant Histoire de la guerre des Hussites, tom. i. p. 317.

[175] Voltaire Annales de l’Empire. We may judge of the precipitancy of the flight of the pontifical army, from the circumstance of the cardinal’s losing, with the rest of his baggage, the papal bull which authorised the crusade, his red hat, and the rest of his dress of ceremony, his cross and crochet.—L’Enfant ut supra.

[176] Et cum ex fugâ exercitûs omnes populi Alemaniæ supra modum essent exterriti et consternati, videns nullum aliud superesse remedium, animabam et confortabam omnes, ut manerent constantes in fide et nihil trepidarent; quoniam ego propter hoc accedebam ad Concilium, ubi convenire debebat universalis ecclesia in quo omnino aliquod sufficiens remedium ad resistendum hæreticis, et ipsos extirpandos reperiretur.—Vide Epistolam Juliani Cardinalis ad Pontificem Eugenium IV. apud Fasciculum Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, p. 55.

[177] Poggii Opera, p. 309, 310.

[178] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvii.

[179] Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. vi. p. 869.

[180] Poggii Opera, p. 429.

[181] Ibid.

[182] Poggii Opera, p. 481.

[183] Ibid, p. 475.

[184] Poggio intimates, that the loquacity of this incorrigible ecclesiastic continually betrayed his folly—that he was given to detraction; and that his rapacity frequently betrayed him into violent infringements of the rules of justice. He has also recorded the following severe, but coarse animadversion, which was made on his character after his death. “Damnabat quidam multis verbis vitam et mores Angelotti Cardinalis defuncti. Fuit enim rapax et violentus ut cui nulla esset conscientia. Tum ex astantibus unus, Opinor, inquit, diabolum jam vorasse et cacasse cum sæpius ob scelera sua. Alter vir facetissimus, Adeo mala caro ejus fuit, inquit, ut nullus dæmon quantumvis bono stomacho, illam præ nauseâ comedere auderet.”—Poggii Opera, p. 477.

[185] Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et. Fugiend. p. 55.

[186] Acta Conciliorum, tom. xxx. p. 25.

[187] This declaration was made in the following florid terms. “Hæc sancta Synodus necessitates Christianæ religionis sedulâ meditatione recogitans, maturâ et digestâ deliberatione decernit; ad hæc tria, eo, a quo cuncta bona procedunt, auctore Deo, toto solicitudinis studio operam dare, Primo, ut omnium hæresum a Christiani populi finibus tenebris profugatis, lumen Catholicæ veritatis, Christo verâ luce largiente, refulgeat. Secundo, ut bellorum rabie, quâ, satore zizaniæ seminante in diversis partibus mundi affligitur et dissipatur populus Christianus, congruâ meditatione sedatâ, pacis auctore prostante in statum reducatur pacificum et tranquillum. Tertio, ut cum multiplicibus vitiorum tribulis et spinis Christi vinea jam quasi silvescat præ nimiâ densitate, ut illis debitæ culturæ studio resecatis, evangelico agricolâ cælitus operante, refloreat, honestatisque fructus et honoris felici ubertate producat.”—Concil. tom. p. 39, 40.

[188] Acta Concil. tom. xxx. p. 24, 49.

[189] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 148.

[190] See a copy of the cardinal’s letter (the good sense and integrity of which are much more commendable than its Latinity) in the Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et Fug. p. 54 et seq.

[191] Conciliorum. tom. xxx. p. 54.

[192] Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 77.

[193] Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 81.

[194] Ibid, p. 92.

[195] Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 103.—This decree was passed July 13th, 1433.

[196] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. xxvi.—This letter bears date June 30th, 1433.

[197] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 147.

[198] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 149.

[199] Ibid, p. 154.

[200] Ibid, p. 153. Poggii Hist. Flor. p. 301.

[201] During his residence in Rome, Sigismund received from the pontiff six thousand gold crowns per month, to enable him to maintain the state becoming his exalted rank. Poggio gives a particular account of the emperor’s coronation in a letter to Niccolo Niccoli, which has not yet been printed.

Poggii Historia de Variet. Fort. p. 92, 93.

[202] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 114.

[203] Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 221, 222, 223. This letter, which by a typographical error is dated 1433, was written, Jan. 27th, 1434.

[204] Concilior. tom. xxx. p. 129.

[205] Concilior. p. 146.

[206] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 155, 156, 157, 158.—Platina, p. 405.—Ambrogii Traversarii Epistolæ, lib. i. ep. vi. apud notas.

[207] Poggii Histor. de Variet. Fortunæ, p. 92.

[208] Ambrogii Traversarii Epist. lib. v. ep. x.

[209] Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fort. p. 92.—Opera, p. 392.

[210] Elogi degli Uomini Illustri Toscani, tom. i. p. 367.

[211] Eadem iter facienti ad ortum occurrit amæna vallis, villis et pagis referta nomine Mugellum quam interfluit flumen Sæva.—Schotti Itinerarium Italiæ, p. 189.

[212] Pignotti Istor. di Toscana, lib. iv. cap. 9, as referred to by Tonelli.

[213] Machiavelli Istorie Fiorentine, p. 209, 210, 211.—Ricordi di Cosmo de’ Medici, in the appendix to the 1st vol. of Roscoe’s Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, No. ii.

[214] The following extract from Cosmo’s Ricordi proves that he could not with a safe conscience accept this part of Poggio’s panegyric. “Niccolo da Tolentino sentito il caso à di 8. venne la mattina con tutta la sua compagnia alla Lastra, e con animo di fare novità nella Terra, perchè io fussi lasciato; e così subito che si sentì il caso nell’ Alpi di Romagna e di più altri luoghi, venne â Lorenzo gran quantità di fanti. Fu confortato il Capitano, e così Lorenzo à non fare novità, che poteva esser cagione di farmi fare novità nella persona, e così feciono; e benchè chi consigliò questo fussino parenti, e amici, e à buon fine, non fu buono consiglio; perchè se si fussino fatti inanzi, ero libero, e chi era stato cagione di questo restava disfatto.”—Ricordi ut supra.

[215] Poggii Opera, p. 312-317.

[216] In a letter to Ambrogio Traversari, he gives the following catalogue of the books which he had collected during his residence in Constantinople.—“Qui mihi nostri in Italiam libri gesti sunt, horum nomina ad te scribo: alios autem nonnullos per primas ex Byzantio Venetorum naves opperior. Hi autem sunt Plotinus, Aelianus, Aristides, Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Strabo Geographus, Hermogenes, Aristotelis Rhetorice, Dionysius Halicarnasseus de numeris et characteribus, Thucydides, Plutarchi Moralia, Proelus in Platonem, Philo Judæus, Herodotus, Dio Chrysostomus, Appollonius Pergæus, Ethica Aristotelis, Ejus magna Moralia et Eudemia, Oeconomica, et Politica, quædam Theophrasti Opuscula, Homeri Ilias, Odyssea, Philostrati de vitâ Appollonii, Orationes Libanii, et aliqui sermones Luciani, Pindarus, Aratus, Euripidis tragediæ septem, Theocritus, Hesiodus, Suidas; Phalaridis, Hippocratis, Platonis, et multorum ex veteribus philosophis Epistolæ, Demosthenes, Æschinis Orationes et Epistolæ, pleraque Xenophontis Opera, una Lysiæ Oratio, Orphei Argonautica et Hymni, Callimachus, Aristoteles de historiis animalium, Physica, et Metaphysica, et de Animâ, de partibus Animalium, et alia quædam, Polybius, nonnulli sermones Chrysostomi, Dionysiaca, et alii Poetæ plurimi. Habes qui mihi sint, et his utere æque ac tuis.”—Ambrosii Traversarii Opera, tom. ii. p. 1010.

In the collection of this noble store of Grecian literature Filelfo must have expended a considerable sum of money; and this circumstance may honourably account for the embarrassed state of his finances on his arrival in his native country.

[217] Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1007.

[218] Filelfo arrived in Florence in the month of May, 1429.—Philelfi Epist. p. 9.

[219] Ambrosii Traversarii Epist. p. 1016.

[220] Philelfi Epist. p. 9.

[221] Philelfi Epist. p. 9.

[222] Ibid, p. 10.

[223] Philelfi Epist. p. 11.

[224] Philelfi Epist. p. 17. In the account which Filelfo gave of this transaction to Æneas Sylvius, he says, that he had never discovered by whom Filippo was hired to commit so execrable a deed, but intimates very strong suspicions of Cosmo de’ Medici. Poggio, however, in his third invective against Filelfo, asserts, that the assassin was the minister of the vengeance of one Jeronimo of Imola, whom Filelfo had provoked by the intemperance of his tongue.—Poggii Opera, p. 381.

[225] Ibid.

[226] Francisci Philelfi Satyræ; primæ decadis hecatosticha secunda.

[227] Philelfi Epist. p. 12, 13.

[228] Philelfi Satyræ; primæ decadis, hecatosticha quinta. Ejusdem hecatosticha sexta—Secundæ decadis, hecatosticha prima, &c.

In a letter of remonstrance to Cosmo de’ Medici, Filelfo inveighed bitterly against Niccolo Niccoli, whom he asserted Cosmo had himself acknowledged to be guilty of insolence to the learned, and particularly of contumelious conduct towards the eminent Manuel Crysoloras.—“Ad ea tu sane leniter respondisti, ac subridens, non oportere inquiens mirari me nec æge ferre Nicolai Nicoli detractionem; eo enim esse hominem ingenio ut neminem doctum virum relinquat intactum mordacitate suà, quique ne soli quidem ipsi parceret, upote qui et Manuelem Chrysoloram sapientem et summum illum virum barbam pediculosam adhuc semper nominet, et Ambrosium monachum cui magis affectus est quam propriæ animæ, attonitum per contumeliam vocet.”—Philelfi Epistolæ, p. 12.

[229] Philelfi Satyræ, quartæ decadis, hecatosticha prima.

This satire concludes with the following atrocious address to the judges of Cosmo.

“En Mundum servat conjectum in vincula carcer,

Qui rebus momenta dabit non parva futuris.

Nunc etiam atque etiam vobiscum volvite curas,

Et lustrate animo quæ sint potiora saluti

Urbis consilia: his castas accommodet aures

Quisque suas. Vobis res coram publica sese

Offeret in medium, referens stragesque necesque

Venturas, ubi forte minus pro lege vel æquo

Supplicium sumptum fuerit de sonte nefando;

Aut etiam officium collatum munere civis.

Namque relegatus, si culpæ nomine mulctam

Pendeat, afficiet magnis vos cladibus omnes.”

[230] The passages in Filelfo’s Satires, in which he has attacked the character of Poggio, are very numerous. Those who wish to examine these passages may consult the following references.

Decad. i. hecat. 5. Decad. ii. hecat. 1. 3. Decad. iii. hecat. 2. 10. Decad. iv. hecat. 7. Decad. v. hecat. 8. 9. Decad. vi. hecat. 10. Decad. viii. hecat. 1, 3, 5. Such readers as are not possessed of a copy of Aureæ Francisci Philelfii Poetæ Oratorisque celeberrimi Satyræ centum, printed in octavo at Paris, anno 1518, (a book of rare occurrence) will probably be contented with the following specimen of what may be properly termed learned Billingsgate.

“Quæ rapidis natura polis, quæ causa sepulchri

Humano generi, quæ tanta licentia rerum,

Spumantes inter pateras cereremque voracem

Ostensurus erat Codrus; cum grande pepedit,

Rancidulum eructans post longa volumina verbum.

Hunc mox Oenepotes miratus rara profatur.

Rara inter Latias phœnix hæc pervolat urbes:

Hinc vomit et meiens grave cunctis reddit oletum.

Poggius arridet, simili dum peste tenetur.

Nam quascunque dapes affert, ut verna Canopi

Prælambens, rapidus vino sese obruit hospes.

Laudibus hinc miris effert Codrumque, bonumque

Oenepotam Nicolum: mox ne fortasse minoris

Se quisquam reputet, quod foetet olentius addit.”

[231] Philelfi Epist. p. 12.

[232] Poggii Opera, p. 339-342.

[233] “Verum nequaquam mirum videri debet, eum cujus mater Arimini dudum in purgandis ventribus et intestinis sorde diluendis quæstum fecerit, maternæ artis foetorem redolere. Hæsit naribus filii sagacis materni exercitii attrectata putredo, et continui stercoris fœtens halitus.”—Poggii Opera, p. 165.

[234] The terms in which Poggio mentions this transaction are superlatively abusive, and whimsically gross. “Itaque Crysoloras moerore confectus, compulsus precibus, malo coactus, filiam tibi nuptui dedit a te corruptam, quæ si extitisset integra, ne pilum quidem tibi abrasum ab illius natibus ostendisset. An tu illam unquam duxisses uxorem si virginitatem per te servare potuisset? Tibi pater illam dedisset profugo, ignobili, impuro? Primariis suæ civitatis viris servabatur virgo, non tibi insulsæ pecudi et asello bipedali quem ille domi alebat tanquam canem aliquem solent senio et ætate confectum.”—Poggii Opera, p. 167.

[235] “Sperasti, monstrum infandum hos tuos insulsissimos versus, in quibus etiam male latine loqueris, allaturos tibi laureolam, quâ fanaticum caput redimires. At stercoreâ coronâ ornabuntur fœtentes crines priapæi vatis.”—Ibid, p. 169.

[236]

Lingua tibi mediâ, Poggi, plus parte secetur

Quâ nunquam lacerare probos et carpere cessas.

Improbe, quis talem tibi tantus tradidit artem

Auctor? An e stulto fatuoque et mentis egente

Te tuus insanum Lycolaus reddidit Utis,

Addictum vitio dirumque per omne volutum

Flagitium et facinus?—Tantum maledicere semper

Edoctus, cunctos decoret quos aurea virtus

Insequeris calamo, nequeas quos fulmine linguæ,

Quam nimius crassam potus vel crapula fecit,

Immanisque Venus. Tibi quæ tam dira voluptas,

Undantis pelago dum vini nocte dieque

Ebrius obrueris; dum tanquam immensa vorago

Quidquid pontus habet, quidquid vel terra vel aër

Vescendum peperit, latus tibi venter et ingens

Excepit; dum fœda Venus patiturque facitque

Omne genus probri: tactus te levius esto

Titillans, vesane, juvat redditque furentem

Et dulci qui tactus agit prurigine linguam:

Ut te communem præstes sapientibus hostem

Omnibus, et nulli parcas velut effera quædam

Vipera tabifero terram cœlumque veneno

Inficiens.

Philelfi Satyræ. Decad. ii. Hecat. 3.

[237] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 158.—Platina, tom. i. p. 406.

[238] “Sopravenendo poi Giovanni Vitellesco che chiamavano il Patriarca, entranono in tanto spavento i Romani, che non avevano pure animo d’aprir la bocca.”—Platina, tom. i. p. 405.

[239] Platina, tom. i. p. 406, 407.

[240] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 162, 163.

[241] Ibid.—Platina, tom. i. p. 407.

[242] The decree relative to the conversion of the Jews ordained amongst other things, that all diocesans should annually commission certain learned theologians to explain to them the word of God, in so plain a manner, that they might be convinced of their errors—that the Jews should be compelled, by the infliction of certain penalties, to attend the lectures of these theologians—that all infidels should be prohibited from keeping Christian servants or nurses—that no Christian should partake of any Jewish festivals—that the Jewish tradesmen should be strictly forbidden to buy, or take in pawn, any ecclesiastical books, chalices, crosses, or other church ornaments—that the Jews should be compelled to wear a distinguishing dress, and that they should live in a separate quarter of each town, at as great a distance as possible from any church. With regard to the converted Israelites, it was ordained, that whereas whatever goods or property they had obtained by usury, or by defrauding persons who were not to be found, became upon this conversion the property of the church; the council, in the name of the church, bestowed upon them all such property as a baptismal present—that the indigent converts should be relieved by the charitable assistance of the faithful—that they should be separated as much as possible from their unbelieving brethren—and that the ordinaries of each diocese should be directed to do all in their power to cause them to marry persons who had been born in the Christian faith.

[243] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 162.

[244] “Turpem etiam illum abusum in quibusdam frequentatum ecclesiis, quo certis anni celebritatibus nonnulli cum mitrâ, baculo, ac vestibus pontificalibus more episcoporum benedicunt, alii ut reges ac duces induti, quod festum fatuorum vel innocentium, seu puerorum, in quibusdam regionibus nuncupatur, alii larvales et theatrales jocos, alii choreas et tripudia marium ac mulierum facientes, homines ad spectacula et cachinnationes movent, alii comessationes et convivia ibidem præparant; hæc sancta Synodus detestans, statuit et jubet tam ordinariis quam ecclesiarum decanis et rectoribus, sub pœnâ suspensionis omnium proventuum ecclesiasticorum trium mensium spatio, ne hæc aut similia ludibria, neque etiam mercantias seu negotiationes nundinarum in ecclesiis quæ domus orationis esse debent, ac etiam cæmeterio exercere amplius permittant, transgressoresque, per censuram ecclesiasticam, aliaque juris remedia punire non negligant, omnes autem consuetudines, statuta ac privilegia quæ his non concordant circa hæc decretis, nisi forte majores adjicerent pœnas, irritas esse hæc sancta synodus decernit.”

[245] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 166.

[246] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 180.

[247] On the 15th of October, 1435, the council condemned as heretical various propositions which had been lately maintained by Agostino di Roma, archbishop of Nazareth, in three elaborate theological tracts. Those whose anxiety to preserve the purity of the catholic faith leads them to wish to know what sentiments it is their duty to reject, and those who are interested in observing the niceties of theological distinctions, will perhaps be gratified by the following recital of the dangerous errors which incurred the severe reprehension and reprobation of the venerable synod of Basil.

“Et postissime scandalosam illam assertionem, erroneam in fide, in ipso libello contentam, quam piæ fidelium aures sine horrore audire non possunt, videlicet: Christus quotidie peccat; ex quo fuit Christus quotidie peccavit; quamvis de capite ecclesiæ Christo Jesu Salvatore nostro dicat se non intelligere, sed ad membra sua, quæ cum Christo capite unum esse Christum asseruit, intelligentiam ejus esse referendam dicat. Nec non et propositiones istas, et eis in sententiâ similes, quas in articulos damnatos in sacro Constantiensi Concilio incidere declarat, videlicet: Non omnes fideles justificati sunt membra Christi, sed soli electi, finaliter in perpetuum regnaturi cum Christo. Secundum ineffabilem præscientiam Dei sumuntur membra Christi, ex quibus constat ecclesia, quæ tamen non constat nisi ex eis qui secundum propositum electionis vocati sunt. Non sufficit Christo uniri vinculo caritatis, ut aliqui efficiantur membra Christi, sed requiritur alia unio. Has etiam quæ sequuntur: Humana natura in Christo, vere est Christus. Humana natura in Christo, est persona Christi. Ratio suppositalis determinans humanam naturam in Christo non realiter distinguitur ab ispâ naturâ determinatâ. Natura humana in Christo procul dubio est persona verbi; et verbum in Christo naturâ assumpta, est realiter persona assumens. Natura humana assumpta a verbo ex unione personali, est veraciter Deus naturalis et proprius. Christus secundum voluntatem creatam tantum diligit naturam humanam unitam personæ verbi, quantum diligit naturam divinam. Sicut duæ personæ in divinis sunt æqualiter diligibiles ita duæ naturæ in Christo, humana et divina, sunt æqualiter diligibiles propter personam communem. Anima Christi videt Deum tam clare et intense, quantum clare et intense Deus videt seipsum. Quas quidem propositiones, et alias ex eâdem radice procedentes, in prædicto libello contentas, tamquam erroneas in fide, damnat et reprobat hæc sancta Synodus.”—Concil. tom. xxx. p. 172.

[248] Panormitani Epist. lib. v. ep. 118, as referred to by the French and Italian translators of the life of Poggio.

[249] Apostolo Zeno Dissertazioni Vossiane, tom. i. p. 37, 38.

[250] Poggii Opera, p. 65, 67. Mehi vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii.

[251] The catalogue of reliques of Roman architecture, which Poggio has inserted in the interesting pröemium to his dialogue De varietate Fortunæ, evinces the diligence and care with which he had surveyed the ruins of ancient Rome. This catalogue did not escape the extensive researches of Gibbon, who has introduced it into the 71st chapter of his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.

[252] “Poggius noster sæpe mecum est; reliquias civitatis probe callens nos comitatur.”—Ambrosii Traversarii Epistolæ, p. 407.

In a letter to Bartolomeo Facio, Poggio thus invites him to visit the ruins of Rome. “Video te cupere urbem visere, et certe nisi incoeptum opus, ut ais, impediret hortarer te ad inspiciendas reliquias ejus urbis quæ quondam orbis lumen præclarissimum fuit. Equidem quamvis in eâ jam pluribus annis ab ipsâ juventute fuerim versatus, tamen quotide tamquam novus incola tantarum rerum admiratione obstupesco, recreoque persæpe animum visu eorum ædificiorum, quæ stulti propter ingenii imbecillitatem a Dæmonibus facta dicunt.”—Facius de viris Illustribus, p. 97.

[253] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii.

[254] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii. Poggii Epist. citat. a Ton. tom. i. p. 258.

[255] Poggii Opera, p. 321.

[256] Ibid.

[257] Ibid, p. 329.

[258] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lii. liii.

[259] From an expression which Poggio uses in a letter on the subject of Francesco’s conduct, addressed to Andreolo Giustiniano, it should seem, either that the busts did not answer the expectation which he had formed concerning the exquisiteness of their workmanship, or that he suspected that Francesco had substituted inferior pieces of sculpture, in the place of those destined for him by Suffretus. The following is the expression in question. “Cum Suffretus quidem Rhodius ei consignasset tria capita marmorea, et signum integrum duorum fere cubitorum, quæ Franciscus se ad me allaturum promisit, capita quædam dedit, signo autem me fraudavit,” &c. Perhaps, however, quædam is, by an error of the press, substituted for quidem.

[260] Poggii Opera, p. 329.

[261] Poggii Opera, p. 329.

[262] The admirer of ancient art will find the principles, the observance of which led to the perfection to which it was carried by the Greeks, clearly and forcibly explained in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth pages of Mr. Fuseli’s Lectures on Painting. Of this work it may be asserted, that hardly any composition in the English language comprehends an equal quantity of thought in the same compass of expression. Almost every sentence which it contains is a theme of reflection, a text, pregnant with the most useful instruction.

[263] Poggii Epist. lvii. p. 181.

[264] Poggii Opera, p. 357, & seq.

[265] Poggii Opera, p. 366.

[266] See note to Tonelli’s translation, vol. i. p. 264.

[267] Poggii vita a Recanatio, p. xiv.

[268] Poggii vita a Recanatio, p. xiv.

[269] This dialogue was, for upwards of three centuries, buried in the repositories of Manuscripts which are stored up in a few public libraries on the continent of Europe. In the year 1802, the author of this work was fortunate enough to find in the then Bibliothéque Nationale, now Bibliothéque du Roi, at Paris, a very legible manuscript copy of it, which he carefully transcribed; and soon after his return home he printed a very small impression of it for distribution among his literary friends. A copy of this impression having been sent by him to the late Dr. Parr, that eminent scholar urged him to reprint and publish it, with a few necessary corrections. The wish of Parr was complied with, and the Dialogue was brought out in the year 1807, with a Latin preface and a Latin dedication to the late Mr. Roscoe. In the year 1823, the Signor Pecchioli published at Florence a new edition of it, which is enriched with various readings from a MS. in the Riccardi library.

[270] In the first edition of the work it was stated that Poggio, on his marriage, not only parted with his mistress, but also deprived four of his illegitimate children, who were then living, of an inheritance which he had secured to them by a Bull of legitimacy. This statement, however, rests only on the authority of Valla, the bitter personal enemy of Poggio, and it has been satisfactorily proved by the Cavaliere Tonelli (Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 266.) that this imputation is of the number of those calumnies in which the scholars of the fifteenth century were, in their contests with each other, so apt to indulge.

[271] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. epist. xxxvii.

[272] Poggii Opera, p. 355.

[273] The correspondence above referred to, which was first brought into public notice by the Cavaliere Tonelli, (Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 276-283) is to be found in the Riccardi and the Hafod manuscripts.

[274] Ton. Tr. vol. i. p. 284, Note.

[275] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. xxxiii.

[276] Though no literary works of Francesco Marescalco have descended to posterity, and though from the designation of “Franciscum quendam Ferrariensem,” by which he is mentioned in a letter from Poggio to Niccolo Niccoli, it should seem that he was not much known, even to his contemporaries, the circumstance of Poggio’s inscribing to him a volume of his compositions affords reasonable grounds for a supposition that he was a man of learning, and of a respectable character. This supposition is confirmed by the respectful manner in which Poggio, in the following letter, thanks him for the offer of his friendship, and the assurance of his esteem.

“I have long maintained a most pleasant intercourse with my friend Scipio, of Ferrara, a man, whose learning and liberal manners lay an irresistible claim to my esteem and love. We often spend our leisure time in conversing together on various subjects, and particularly on the characters of learned and eloquent men. Of this number he assures me that you are one. He informs me, that you are not only devoted to literature, which circumstance is of itself a great recommendation, but, what is of the greatest weight, that your manners are most amiable, and that you are endowed with the most attractive virtues. He moreover says, that you are very much attached to me. This is a piece of intelligence which, I must confess, affords me the sincerest pleasure; for there is nothing, my dear Francesco, which I have more at heart, than to gain the esteem and good will of my fellow mortals. You are sensible that he who is favoured with the affection of his acquaintance, especially of those who are dignified by their virtues, is truly rich, and possesses a source of sincere enjoyment. I therefore most heartily embrace your proffered friendship, from which I trust I shall derive both pleasure and honour. Be assured of this, that I shall do my utmost endeavour to confirm, by my conduct, those friendly sentiments which you have voluntarily conceived on my behalf.—Farewell.”—Poggii Opera, p. 307.

[277] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 273.

[278] Ibid.

[279] Poggii Opera, p. 270-277.

[280] See note on chap. iii. of this work.

[281] Poggii Opera, p. 274.

[282] “Delectabatur admodum tabulis et signis ac variis cœlaturis priscorum more. Plura enim prope solus atque exquisitiora habebat quam cæteri fere omnes.”—Poggii Opera, p. 276.

[283] Ibid.

[284] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lxii.

[285] Gianozzo Manetti, who wrote memoirs of Niccolo Niccoli, which are printed from a Vatican MS. in Mehus’s life of Ambrogio Traversari, p. lxvi. et seq. “Raro tamen,” says Gianozzo, “vel numquam, latine loquendi, latineve scribendi onus suscipere voluit, eâ de causâ abductus, ut arbritror, quod quum nihil ab eo nisi plenum et perfectum probaretur, neque orationes, neque scripta sua sibi ipsi omni ex parte, ceu in aliis hominibus exigebat, satisfactura videbantur.” The testimony of Poggio may be adduced in confirmation of Gianozzo’s assertion. “Cum enim nihil nisi politum ac perfectum probaret, nequaquam sibi ipsi ejus scripta satisfacere videbantur.”—Poggii Opera, p. 274.

[286] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. lxi.

[287] “Illud quoque animadvertendum est Nicolaum Nicolum veluti parentem fuisse artis criticæ, quæ auctores veteres distinguit emendatque. Nam quum eos auctores ex vetustissimis codicibus exscriberet, qui suo potissimum consilio, aliorum vero operâ inventi sunt, non solum a mendis quibus obsiti erant expurgavit, sed etiam distinxit capitibusque locupletavit. Testis sit Lucretius, qui in Cod. Chart. Bibliothecæ Mediceo-Laurentianæ adservatur. In hoc enim codice manu Nicolai Niccoli diligentissime scripto aliquot libris capitula præfixa a Niccolo sunt. Testes duodecim Comœdiæ Plauti noviter eodem sæculo repertæ, Niccolique nostri manu in Cod. Chartaceo Bibliothecæ Marcianæ ut supra diximus exaratæ. Has enim quum descripsisset ex vetustissimo Codice Jordani Cardinalis Ursini ex Germaniâ Romam advecto, quem mendosissimum judicavit Poggius, earum tamen exemplum a Niccolo nostro confectum paucis mendis, iisque levissimis deturpatum est.”—Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. 1.

[288] Gianotti Manettii Vita Nicolai Nicoli, apud Mehi Vitam Ambros. Travers. p. lxxvi.

[289] Ibid, p. lxxvii.

[290] These and the following particulars are collected from a life of Niccolo Niccoli, written by Gianozzo Manetti, and composing part of a volume, De Illustribus Longævis, dedicated by him to Lodovico Gusman, governor of the province of Calatrava. In proof of the delicacy of Niccolo’s feelings, Gianozzo assures his reader of the wonderful fact, that he disliked the braying of an ass, the grating of a saw, and the squeaking of a mouse caught in a trap. “Neque rudentem asinum, neque secantem serram, neque muscipulam vagientem sentire audireve poterat.”—Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. lxxvii.

[291] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 212-217. The orthodoxy of the editor of the acts of the councils has induced him to attach the following marginal observation to the decree which thus levelled the thunder of the rebels of Basil at the sacred head of the pontiff—“Multa in hac synodo sparsim habentur quæ pontifici et ejus auctoritati derogant, quæ sunt caute legenda.”

[292] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 221, 222.

[293] Ibid, p. 226, et seq.

[294] Ibid, p. 232, et seq.

[295] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 169, 170.

[296] Labbe Concil. tom. xiii. p. 876.

[297] Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. iii. p. 870.

[298] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 189.

[299] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 173.

[300] Ibid, p. 176, 177.

[301] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. 430.

[302] Labbei Concilia, tom. xiii. p. 1164.

[303] Labbei Concilia, tom. xiii. p. 1165-1168.

[304] Zeno Dissert. Vos. tom. i. p. 307.

[305] Zeno Dissert. Voss. tom. i. p. 308.

[306] Ibid, p. 316.

[307] Poggii Opera, p. 349, 350.

[308] Poggii Opera, p. 350, 351, 352.

[309] Ibid, p. 353, 354, 355. Two manuscript copies of this work are preserved in the Laurentian, and a third in the Magliabecchian library at Florence. A fourth is deposited in the Ambrogian collection at Milan. The disgusting ribaldry of Beccatelli fully justifies the reproof which he received from Poggio. It is a disgrace to literature, that his work should have been lately committed to the press under the superintendence of a French editor.

The Hermaphroditus was openly condemned, not only by Poggio, but also by Filelfo, Laurentius Valla, and by Mariano da Volterra, who inveighed against it in a long poem. It was the subject of reprobation in the sermons of Bernadino da Siena, and of Roberto da Lecce, who caused it to be burnt in the public squares of Bologna and Milan. The zeal of Valla, (which, by the way, was kindled as much by personal enmity as by a regard to morality) prompted him to hope that the same fate awaited its author.

Besides the Hermaphroditus, Beccatelli published a variety of works, which are thus enumerated by Apostolo Zeno. 1. Alphonsi Regis Triumphus. 2. De Rebus gestis Ferdinandi Regis. 3. In coronatione Friderici III. Imperatoris Oratio Romæ habita 1452. 4. Ad Alphonsum Siciliæ Regem Oratio. 6. Oratio ad Caetanos de pace. 7. Oratio ad Venetos de pace. 8. Epistolarum Libri V. 9. Carmina. 10. Epistolæ et Orationes. 11. Epistolarum & Carminum liber. 12. In Rhodum Poema. 13. Tragediæ. 14. Commentarius in Plautum. 15. Elegiæ. 16. De dictis et factis Alphonsi Regis Libri IV. Vallæ Invectiva secunda in Facium, sub finem.—Zeno Diss. Voss. tom. i. p. 315, 316.

[310] Concil. tom. xxx. p. 271.

[311] Ibid, p. 298.

[312] In the Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et Fugiend. tom. i. p. 46-54, there is a very entertaining account drawn up by Æneas Sylvius of the organization and proceedings of the conclave which elected Amedeus to the pontificate, and of the splendid procession which took place at the coronation of this Anti-Pope, who assumed the name of Felix.

[313] Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. p. ccccxxvii.

[314] Elogi degli uomini illustri Toscani, tom. i. p. cccxlvi.

[315] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccv.

[316] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccxxvii.

[317] Ibid, p. ccccxxviii.

[318] Apostolo Zeno Diss. Vos. tom. i. p. 81.

[319] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccxxxii. The author of the life of Ambrogio, in the Elogi degli uomini illustri Toscani, mentions this report in the following terms. “Non manca chi creda, che Iddio a intercessione di Ambrogio facesse ancor dei prodigi. E certamente, l’esser dopo la di lui morte, nati spontaneamente gigli ed altri fiori sopra il suo cadavere, che colti dai Religiosi instantaneamente rifiorivano per tutto il luogo occupato dalla venerabile di lui spoglia, sembra cosa più che naturale. Eppure di ciò fanno fede persone che hanno potuto vedere ocularmente un tal prodigio al sacro Eremo di Camaldoli.” p. cccxlviii. cccxlix.

[320] See Poggio’s dialogue on Hypocrisy in the Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et fugiend. tom. ii. p. 583.

[321] Recanati Osservazioni, p. 19.

[322] Poggiana, tom. ii. p. 322-326.

[323] Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 22.

[324] The short-sightedness of the Florentines seems to have been a subject of proverbial sarcasm to their neighbours. “Bartolomeo Soccini, of Siena,” says Mr. Roscoe, in his life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, “having observed, in allusion to the defect in Lorenzo’s sight, that the air of Florence was injurious to the eyes—true, said Lorenzo, and that of Siena to the brain.” When Leo X. was elected to the pontificate, the Roman wits thus interpreted a certain date of the year MCCCCXL, which was inscribed on a tablet in the church of the Vatican: Multi cæci cardinales creaverunt cæcum decimum Leonem.

Roscoe’s Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, vol. ii. p. 119—Fabroni Vita Leonis. X.

[325] Poggii Opera, p. 333, 339.

[326] Philelfi Opera, p. 13.

[327] Philelfi Epistolæ, p. 18.

[328] Ibid.

[329] Ibid.

[330] Poggii Opera, p. 175.

[331] Poggii Opera, p. 176.

[332] Poggii Opera, p. 186, 187.

[333] Poggii Opera, p. 64-83.

[334] Poggii Opera, p. 225-328. Besides Gregorio Corriario, two other Venetian scholars, Pietro Tommasi and Lauro Querini, expressed their displeasure at the manner in which Poggio had treated the Venetian patricians in his dialogue De Nobilitate; the former in a letter addressed to Poggio—the latter, not only by a letter, but also in an express treatise on the same subject. To the former Poggio returned a civil reply—the latter, who seems to have been an ill-tempered man, he treated with contempt. Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 42.

[335] Poggii Opera, p. 278.

[336] Poggii Opera, p. 285.

[337] Poggii Historia Flor. p. 339.—Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 185.—Lorenzo Valla, in his Antidotus, charges Poggio with the infamous villany of forging the commission, by virtue of which Vitelleschi was arrested; and asserts, that he was protected from the punishment due to his crime, by the power of the statesmen who had bribed him to commit so atrocious a deed. It is not, however, very probable, that any interest could have screened from punishment a secretary who stood convicted of so heinous an offence as counterfeiting the signature of a sovereign prince, for the purpose of committing murder: still less, that a subordinate officer who had taken such a wicked liberty, should have been continued in his place.—Laurentii Vallæ Antidotus in Poggium, p. 109.

[338] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 186.

[339] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 199.

[340] Poggii Opera, p. 344.

[341] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. ep. liv.

[342] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 282.

[343] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. p. 284.

[344] According to the tables of the relative value of money at different periods, the volume above mentioned may be said to have cost Lionello £250 or £300 sterling.—Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 54.

[345] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 195, 196.

[346] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 198.

[347] Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. vi. p. 915.

[348] Poggii Opera, p. 261-269. The disease of which he died was the stone. Poggio asserts, that after his death, a calculus of the weight of a pound was extracted from his bladder.

[349] Vita Nicolai V. a Jannotio Manetti apud Muratorii Rer. Italic Script. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 908 et. seq.

[350] Poggii Opera, p. 390, 391. The data of the publication of the dialogue above mentioned is ascertained by an unpublished Epistle of Poggio, cited by Tonelli, Tr. vol. ii. p. 62.

[351] Poggii Opera, p. 392-419.

[352] In the Basil edition of Poggio’s works, the dialogue De Infelicitate Principum is so incorrectly printed, that it is frequently difficult to decypher the meaning of the author. An edition of the same dialogue, printed in 12mo. at Frankfort, by Erasmus Kempffer, in the year 1629, is one of the most incorrect books which ever disgraced a press. Fortunately, however, the one of these copies is frequently of use in correcting the errors of the other.

[353] Janotii Manetti pro Leonardo Aretino Oratio Funebris, Epistolis Leonardi a Meho editis prœfixa, p. civ.

[354] Janotii Manetti pro Leonardo Aretino Oratio Funebris, Epistolis Leonardi a Meho editis prœfixa, p. cxiv.

[355] The following analysis of Gianozzo’s oration will be sufficient to prove, that the foregoing censure is by no means too severe.—He began his address by informing his auditors, that if the immortal Muses (“immortales Musæ divinæquo Camœnæ”) could have deemed it compatible with their dignity to make an oration, either in the Latin or the Greek language, or to weep in public, they would not have delegated to another the task of paying the last honours to Leonardo; but since this exhibition of their grief was contrary to the usual habits of the Nine, the administrators of the Tuscan government had determined that the virtues of the deceased should be celebrated by one of his colleagues. He then with due modesty declared, that their choice having been directed to himself, not on account of his talents, but in consequence of his filling one of the principal offices of the state, he had prepared himself for the occasion, not to his own satisfaction, but as well as the brevity of the time allowed him for the purpose would permit.—The orator then proceeded to give a sketch of the life of Leonardo. When he arrived at that period of it in which the deceased became one of the public functionaries of the state, he detailed at some length the history of the Florentine republic during the time of Leonardo’s possession of civic and military offices. In the course of his minute detail of Leonardo’s literary labours, he contrived to introduce brief notices of a considerable number of Greek and Latin writers, and enlarged particularly upon the merits of Livy and Cicero, to each of whom he represented Leonardo as superior, since he not only translated Greek authors into Latin, after the example of the latter, but also wrote histories, in emulation of the former, thus uniting the excellencies of both. After this, preparing to perform the ceremony of coronation, he proved by historical evidence, that the custom of crowning emperors and poets was very ancient. Descanting on the various kinds of military crowns, he informed his auditors, that by the frequent perusal of ancient writers, he had ascertained, that of these tokens of honour there were eight different species, namely, the Corona Obsidionalis, Civica, Muralis, Castrensis, Navalis, Ovalis, quasi Triumphalis, and Triumphalis. The description of the materials of which these crowns were severally made, the occasions on which they were bestowed, the enumeration of divers eminent commanders whose brows they had adorned, led the errant orator into a further digression, from which he did not return before he had detailed at great length the reasons why poets should be crowned with laurel, in preference to ivy, palm, olive, or any other species of evergreen. This dissertation on crowns occupies the space of five quarto pages, closely printed in a small type. Having exhausted this topic, Gianozzo proceeded to prove, that Leonardo was a poet. This led him to enumerate most of the Greek and Latin poets, and to explain the derivation of the term poeta. In treating on this subject, he announces the marvellous discovery, that he who wishes to be a poet, must write excellent poems! “Itaque si quis poeta esse cuperet quædam egregia poemata scribat oportet.” Having endeavoured by sundry truly original arguments to vindicate Leonardo’s claim to the poetic wreath, he closed his harangue by the performance of the prescribed ceremony.

The following list of such of the voluminous works of Leonardo Aretino as have been committed to the press, is extracted from the enumeration of his writings, subjoined to his life by Laurentius Mehus.

1. Historiarum Florentini Populi, Lib. xii. Per Sixtum Brunonem Argent. 1610. fol. Ejusdem traductio Italica a Donato Acciajolo Venetiis, 1473, Florentiæ, 1492. Venetiis, 1560. Ibidem a Sansovino, 1561.

2. Leonardi Arretini de Temporibus suis Libri duo. Venetiis, 1475 and 1485. Lugduni apud Gryphium, 1539. Argentorati per Sixtum Brunonem, 1610. It was reprinted by Muratori, in the 19th vol. of his Rer. Italic. Script.

3. De bello Italico adversus Gothos gesto Libri quatuor. This work is founded upon the Greek history of Procopius. It has been edited in the following places: Fulginii per Emilianum Fulginatum, 1470. Venetiis per Nicolaum Jenson, 1471. Basileæ, 1531. Parisiis, 1534. It was also printed together with Zosimus, Basileæ, 1576, and with Agathias and Jornandes, Lugd. 1594. Bellovisiis, 1607.

4. De Bello Punico Libri tres. Brixiæ, 1498. Paris, apud Ascensium, 1512. Augustæ Vindel. 1537.

5. Commentarium Rerum Græcarum was edited by Gryphius, Lug. 1539. Lipsiæ a Joach. Camerario, 1546. Argentorati, 1610, per Sixtum Brunonem. It was also reprinted by Gronovius in the 6th volume of his Thes. Antiq. Græc.

6. Isagogicon moralis disciplinæ ad Galeotum Ricasolanum. This work also bears the title of Dialogus de moribus ad Galeottum, &c. and under the title of Aristoteles de moribus ad Eudemum Latine Leonardo Arretino interprete, it was printed, Lovanii, 1475. Paris, juxta de la Mare, 1512. Ibidem, 1516, per Ascensium.

7. Ad Petrum Histrium dialogorum Libri. Basileæ, 1536, per Henricum Petri, &c. Paris, 1642.

8. De studiis et litteris ad illustrem Dominam Baptistam de Malatestis. Argentinæ, 1512. It was also published by Gabriel Naudæus in 1642, and it composes part of a book entitled Hugonis Grotii et aliorum dissertationes de studiis bene instituendis, Amstelæd. 1645. It was also printed by Thomas Crenius in his Meth. Stud. tom. i. Num. x. Rotterod. 1692.

9. Laudatio Cl. V. Johannis Strozæ Equitis Florentini, was published by Baluzzi in the third volume of his Miscellanies.

10. Imperatoris Heliogabali Oratio protreptica, sive adhortatoria ad Meretrices, published by Aldus Manutius in his Historiæ Augustæ Scriptores Minores, Venetiis, 1519.

11. Oratio in Hypocritas was printed in the Fasciculus of Ortuinus Gratius Coloniæ, 1535. Lugd. 1679. Londini, 1691. It was again published in the year 1699, from a copy in the possession of Antonio Magliabecchi.

12. La Vita di Dante e i costumi e studj di Messer Francesco Petrarca. The life of Petrarca was edited by Philippus Tomasinus in his Petraca Redivivus, printed at Padua, 1650. It was again printed, together with the life of Dante, an. 1671.

13. Magni Basilii Liber per Leonardum Arretinum de Græco in Latinum translatus—Brixiæ, 1485, per Boninum de Boninis—Bononiæ, 1497. Argentorati, 1507. Paris, 1508. Romæ, 1594.

14. Marci Antonii Vita.

15. Vita Pyrrhi Epirotarum Regis.

16. Vita Pauli Emilii.

17. Tiberii et Caii Gracchorum Vitæ.

18. Q. Sertorii Vita.

19. Catonis Uticensis Vita.

20. Vita Demosthenis. The seven foregoing pieces of biography, translated by Leonardo, from the Greek of Plutarch, were printed, Basileæ apud Isingrinium, 1542.

21. Leonardi Arretini Apologia Socratis. Bononiæ, 1502.

22. Aristotelis Ethicorum Libri decem secundum traductionem Leonardi Arretini. Paris, 1504 & 1510, per Henricum Stephanum, & 1516, per Ascensium.

23. Aristotelis Politicorum, Libri viii. per Leonardum Arretinum in Latinum traducti. Venetiis, 1504, 1505, 1511, 1517. Basil. 1538.

24. Oeconomicorum Aristotelis libri duo, a Leonardo Arretino in Latinum conversi. Basileæ, 1538.

25. Oratio Æschinis in Ctesiphontem a Leonardo Arretino in Latinum conversa. Basileæ a Cratandro, 1528, 1540.

26. Oratio Demosthenis contra Aeschinem a Leonardo Arretino in Latinum e Græco traducta. Basileæ a Cratandro, 1528, 1540.

27. De crudeli amoris exitu Guisguardi et Sigismundæ Tancredi Salernitanorum Principis filiæ. Turon, 1467. This version of Bocaccio’s well known tale is also printed in the works of Pius II.

28. Epistolarum Libri viii. ann. 1472, fol. ab Antonio Moreto et Hieronymo Alexandrino. A second edition was printed, ann. 1495—a third, Augustæ, 1521, apud Knoblochium—a fourth, Basileæ, 1535, apud Henricum Petri—a fifth, Basileæ, 1724, apud Albertum Fabricium—a sixth, Florentiæ, 1741, edente Meho.

29. Canzone Morale di Messer Lionardo. This poem is printed in the third volume of Crescimbeni’s Italian poetry.

The inspection of the foregoing catalogue will evince the diligence with which Leonardo Aretino prosecuted his studies. The numerous editions through which many of his works have passed afford a sufficient indication of the esteem in which they were held by the learned men of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

[356] Poggio’s funeral oration for Leonardo is prefixed by Mehus to his edition of Leonardo’s letters.

[357] Poggii Oratio Funebris in obitu Leonardi Aretini, apud Mehi editionem Leonardi Epistolarum, tom. i. p. cxxii.

[358] Ibid.

[359] Janotii Manetti Vita a Naldo, apud Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. xxx. p. 533, 534.

[360] Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. tom. vi. p. ii. p. 328, 329.

[361] See the introduction to Poggio’s dialogue on Hypocrisy, in the Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et. Fug. tom. ii. p. 571.

[362] L’Enfant Histoire de la guerre des Hussites et du Conseil de Basle.

[363] Mehi Vita Ambrosii Traversarii, p. ccccxix. ccccxx. ccccxxi.

[364] Mehi Vita Ambros. Travers. ut supra.

[365] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 402.

[366] Ibid, p. 406.

[367] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 410, 412.

[368] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 416. The foregoing particulars of the last illness and death of Eugenius were collected partly from a narrative of those events by Æneas Sylvius, which is preserved in the third vol. of Muratori’s Rer. Italic. Script. p. ii. p. 890, and partly from the diary of one of the pontiff’s chamberlains, which occurs in p. 902 of the same volume.

[369] The unlettered Shakspeare was much better versed in the natural history of ecclesiastics than the learned Gianozzo.

“Sometimes she cometh with a tythe-pig’s tail,

Tickling the parson as he lies asleep;

Then dreams he of another benefice.”

[370] Janotii Manetti Vita Nicolai V. apud Muratori Rer. Italic. Script. tom. iii. p. 921.

[371] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 417.

[372] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 417.

[373] Ibid, p. 425.

[374] Ibid, p. 419.

[375] Ibid, p. 420.

[376] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 441.

[377] Poggii Opera, p. 32.

[378] Poggii Opera, p. 287-292.

[379] “Optimi sanctissimique viri Nicolai quinti summi pontificis beneficentia id effecit, ut jam querelæ temporum sint prætereundæ, utque in gratiam aliquando cum fortuà videar rediisse.”—Poggii Opera, p. 32.

[380] Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fort. p. 1, 2, 3.

[381] Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fort. p. 6, 7.

[382] Poggio’s narrative of the discoveries made by Niccolo Conti was translated into the Portuguese language, by the command of Emanuel I. king of Portugal. From the Portuguese version, an Italian translation was made by Giambattista Ramusio, who inserted it in the first volume of his collection of voyages and travels, printed in folio at Venice, in the year 1588. A small portion of the first book of the dialogue De Varietate Fortunæ containing the description of the ruins of Rome, is printed in the Basil edition of the works of Poggio. A manuscript copy of the entire dialogue was discovered in the library of the cardinal Pietro Ottoboni, nephew of pope Alexander VIII., by Lionardo Adami da Bolsena, who began to prepare it for the press. Lionardo having died before he had finished the transcript of the first book, the execution of his design was completed by the Abate Domenico Giorgi da Rovigo, who finished the transcript of the dialogue, illustrated it with notes, and subjoined to it fifty-seven of Poggio’s epistles, which had not yet seen the light. Under the superintendence of the Abate Oliva, the work thus prepared was printed at Paris, in 4to., an. 1723, by Coustellier.

Zeno Diss. Voss. tom. i. p. 40. Dominici Georgii Prœfatio ad Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fort.

[383] Fasciculus Rer. Expet. et Fugiend. tom. ii. p. 570-583. An edition of Leonardo Aretino and Poggio’s dialogues on Hypocrisy was published by Hieronymus Sincerus Lotharingus, ex typograghiá Anissoniá, Lugduni, 1679, in 16mo.

[384] Poggii Opera, p. 159.

[385] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 417.

[386] Poggii Opera, p. 155-164.

[387] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 431.

[388] This translation of Diodorus Siculus was printed, Bononiæ, 1472, in folio. Bandini Catalogus Bibliothecæ Laurentianæ, tom. ii. p. 819.

[389] Poggii Hist. de Variet. Fortunæ, p. 3. From the prefatory remarks which Poggio prefixed to his version of the Cyropædia, and which are quoted by Bandini, in his Catalogus Bibliothecæ, Laurentianæ, tom. ii. p. 351, it should seem, that by omitting many of the dialogues and speeches, he had considerably abridged the work of Xenophon, whose eight books he had compressed into six. An Italian translation of Poggio’s version of the Cyropædia, made by his son Jacopo, was published at Florence by the Junta, an. 1521. It is worthy of remark, that Poggio was the first literary character who declared his opinion (an opinion now generally entertained) that the Cyropædia is not a history, but a political romance. Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 108.

[390] Facii Opera, p. 98.

[391] Bartolomeo Facio was a native of Spezia, a sea-port in the Genoese territory. The most curious inquirers into the history of literature have not yet been able to ascertain the precise period of his birth. From many passages however which occur in his works it appears, that he was indebted for instruction in the Latin and Greek languages to Guarino Veronese, whom he frequently mentions in terms of affectionate esteem. Facio was one of the numerous assemblage of scholars that rendered illustrious the court of Alfonso, king of Naples, by whom he was treated with distinguished honour. During his residence at Naples, the jealousy of rivalship betrayed him into a violent quarrel with Lorenzo Valla, against whom he composed four invectives. The following list of his other works is extracted from his life, prefixed by Mehus to an edition of his treatise De Viris illustribus, published at Florence, an. 1745.

1. De bello Veneto Clodiano ad Joannem Jacobum Spinulam Liber. Lugd. 1568.

2. Aliud parvi temporis bellum Venetum was printed together with the former.

3. De humanæ vitæ felicitate ad Alphonsum Arragonum et Siciliæ regem. Hanoviæ, typis Vechelianis, 1611. Post epitomen Felini Sandei de Regibus Siciliæ, &c.

4. De excellentiâ et præstantiâ hominis. This work, which is erroneously ascribed to Pius II., was printed together with the preceding treatise, Hanoviæ, 1611.

5. De rebus gestis ab Alphonso primo Neapolitanorum rege Commentariorum, Libri x. Lugduni, 1560, apud hæredes Sebastiani Gryphii, in 4to.—Ibidem, 1562 & 1566. The seven first books of this work were also published, Mantuæ, anno 1563, a Francisco Philopono. It has also been reprinted in various collections of Italian history.

6. Arriani de rebus gestis Alexandri, Libri viii. Latine redditi. Basileæ, 1539. in fo. a Roberto Winter. Pisauri, 1508. Lugduni, 1552.

7. Epistolæ. Several of Facio’s epistles are subjoined by Mehus to his edition of the treatise De Viris illus. It is justly observed by Tiraboschi, that Facio’s style is much more elegant than that of any of his contemporaries. Mehi vita Bartolomei Facii.—Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. tom. vi. p. ii. p. 80.

[392] Facii Opera, p. 99, 100, 101.

[393] Ton. Tr. vol. ii. p. 110.

[394] Apostolo Zeno Dissert. Voss. tom. ii. p. 2.

[395] Ibid, p. 4.

[396] Ibid.

[397] Hodius de Græcis Illus. p. 104.

[398] Valla, in his Antidotus, tells a ridiculous story of a pugilistic contest which on occasion of this quarrel took place between Poggio and George of Trebisond in Pompey’s theatre. This story was related as a fact in the first edition of this work; but, on further reflection, I agree in opinion with my Italian translator, that it is a fiction. See Tonelli, vol. ii. p. 114.

[399] Bandini Catalogus Biblioth. Laur. tom. iii. p. 438.

[400] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 438. Muratori informs us, that the joy occasioned by the celebration of this jubilee experienced only one interruption, which was occasioned by the following accident. As an innumerable multitude of people were returning on the nineteenth of December from receiving the pontifical benediction, they were on a sudden so much alarmed by the braying of an ass, that they trampled upon each other in such precipitate disorder, that upwards of two hundred perished in the throng.

[401] It is properly remarked by the Cavaliere Tonelli, vol. ii. p. 115, that the whole of the Facetiæ were not published at this time, and that they came out at uncertain intervals as Poggio increased his stock of entertaining anecdotes.

[402] Poggii Opera, p. 420.

[403] Bugiale is derived from the Italian word Bugia, a falsehood, and is interpreted by Poggio “mendaciorum officina;” i. e. the manufactory of lies.

[404] Antonio Lusco was celebrated for his knowledge of the civil law, which procured him the honour of being selected as a proper person to assist Francesco Barbaro in revising the municipal regulations of the city of Vicenza. In the course of his journey to that place he overtook a Venetian, in whose company he rode to Siena, where they took up their lodgings for the night. The inn was crowded with travellers, who, on the ensuing morning, were busily employed in getting their horses out of the stable in order to pursue their journey. In the midst of the bustle, Lusco observed his Venetian friend booted and spurred, but sitting with great tranquillity at the door of the inn. Surprised at seeing him thus inactive, he told him, that if he wished to become his fellow traveller for that day’s journey, he must make haste, as he was just going to mount; on which the Venetian said, “I should be happy to accompany you, but I do not recollect which is my horse, and I am waiting till the other guests are gone, in order that I may take the beast which is left.” This anecdote Lusco communicated to his fellow secretaries; and Poggio did not fail to insert it in his Facetiæ. The horsemanship of the Venetians appears to have been a fruitful subject of mirth to the frequenters of the Bugiale. The following story proves what utter ignorance of equestrian affairs the wits of the pontifical chancery imputed to that amphibious race of men. “As a Venetian,” says Poggio, “was travelling to Trivigi on a hired horse, attended by a running footman, the servant received a kick from the beast, and in the first emotion of pain took up a stone and threw it at the aggressor; but missing his aim, he hit his master on the loins. The master looking back, and seeing his attendant limping after him at some distance, asked him why he did not quicken his pace. The servant excused himself by saying, that the horse had kicked him: on which his master replied, I see he is a vicious beast, for he has just now given me a severe kick on the back.” Agostini Istoria degli Scrit. Viniz. tom. ii. p. 53—Poggii Opera, p. 444, 464.

[405] Poggii Opera, p. 491.

[406] Recanati Vita Poggii, p. xxiii.

[407] Vallæ Antidotus in Poggium, p. 227, 228, et seq.

[408] Fabliaux ou Contes du xii. et du xiii. Siecle, Fables et Romans du xiii. traduits ou extraits d’aprés plusieurs manuscrits du tems; avec des notes historiques et critiques, et les imitations qui out été faites de ces contes depuis leur origine jusqu’à nos jours. Nouvelle Edition, augmentée d’une dissertation sur les Troubadours. Par M. le Grand. En cinq tom. in 18mo. à Paris, 1781.

For the following enumeration of the Facetiæ of Poggio, which appear to correspond with some of the Fabliaux, I am indebted to the friendly diligence of the late Rev. John Greswell, for many years master of the college school at Manchester.

The first occurs in tom. i. p. 299 of the Fabliaux, entitled La Culotte des Cordeliers, and is, with some variations in the commencement, the Braccæ Divi Francisci of Poggio, p. 236 of the small edition of 1798. In vol. iii. p. 107, Le Testament de l’Ane, is in Poggio’s Facet. p. 45, Canis Testamentum. Same vol. p. 197, Du Villain et de sa femme, is in Poggio, p. 69, the Mulier Demersa, whose body is to be sought for as floating against the current, vol. iii. p. 201. Du pré tondu, alias De la femme contrariante, is the Pertinacia Muliebris in the Facetiæ, p. 68. Again, vol. iii. p. 292, Le Meunier d’Aleus, is in Poggio the story entitled Quinque Ova, p. 278 of the Facetiæ. Vol. iv. p. 192, Le Villain de Baïlleul, alias La femme qui fit croire à son Mari qu’il étoit mort, is mentioned as imitated by Poggio, but resembles his Mortuus loquens, p. 275, only at the close. In Poggio, the young man persuaded that he was dead, hearing himself abused during the procession of his corpse to burial, erecto capite, si vivus essem, sicut sum mortuus, inquit, dicerem, furcifer, te per gulam mentiri. In le Villain de Baïlleul, the husband persuaded by his wife that he is dead, Le Curé lui-méme entre pour chanter ses oremus aprés quoi il emmene la veuve dan la chambre. Pendant tout ce tems le Villain convaincu qu’il était mort, restait toujours sous le drap, sans remuer non plus qu’un cadavre. Mais entendant un certain bruit dans la chambre, et soulevant son linceul pour regarder: coquin de Pretre s’ecrie-t-il, tu dois bien remercier Dieu de ce que je suis mort, car sans cela, mordie, tu perirais ici sous le baton. Vol. iii. p. 287, De la Bourgeoise d’Orléans, alias De la dame qui fit battre son Mari, is said to be imitated in Poggio’s Fraus Muliebris, p. 20, but with much variation. Vol. iv. p. 304, De l’Anneau ... (Par Haisiau). All the account of this is as follows: Quoique le grave President Fauchet ait donné l’extrait de ce Fabliau, je n’en parlerais point si je n’avais à remarquer sur celuici, comme sur le précédent qu’il a été imité. Ou le trouve dans Vergier sous le titre de l’Anneau de Merlin. This is the Annulus which Poggio (Facet. p. 141) gives Philephus.

In addition to the above, Le Médecin de Bral, aliàs le Villain dévenu Médecin, tom. ii. p. 366, from which Moliere has borrowed his Médecin malgré lui, is in some parts imitated in the Poggiana, where an account is given of an expeditious method of clearing the sick list of an hospital on his estate, by an Italian cardinal. Deguisé en Médecin il leur declara qu’ on ne pouvait les guerir qu’ avec un onguent de graisse humaine, mais des qu’il eut proposé de tirer au sort à qui serait mis dans la chaudiere, tous viderent l’hôpital. Vol. iii. p. 95, Les deux Parasites, (une assez mauvaise plaisanterie) in the Facetiæ of Frischlinus is attributed to Poggio, and is in his Facetiæ, p. 67, Danthis Faceta Responsio. When Dante was dining with Canis Scaliger, the courtiers had privately placed all the bones before him. Versi omnes in solum Dantem, mirabantur cur ante ipsum solummodo ossa conspicerentur, tum ille, Minimè inquit mirum, si Canes ossa sua commederunt; ego autem non sum Canis. Le Grand does not notice this as contained in the Facetiæ of Poggio; but the resemblance is as great as between most of those that he notices.

[409] Poggii Opera, p. 219.

The popularity of the Facetiæ is evinced by the number of editions through which that work has passed; seven different impressions of it are thus enumerated by De Bure, who erroneously gives to Poggio the prœnomen of Franciscus.

1. Francisci Poggii Florentini Facetiarum Liber; editio vetustissima et originalis absque loci et anni indicatione, sed cujus in fronte apparet Epistola prœfatoria Bernardi cujusdam in senium deducti ad militem Raymundum Dominum Castri Ambrosii dicata, in 4to.

De Bure conjectures, that this edition was printed at Rome by George Laver or Ulric Han, in 1470.

2. Ejusdem Edito vetus et secunda originalis absque loci et anni indicatione ulla, sed typis Vindelini Spirensis, aut saltem Nicolai Jenson Gallici excusa Venetiis circa, an. 1471, in fol.

3. Ejusdem, Ferrariæ, 1471, 4to.

4. Ejusdem, Noribergi per Fredericum Creusner, 1475, in fol.

5. Ejusdem, Mediolani per Christophorum Valdarfer, 1477, 4to.

6. Ejusdem, Mediolani per Leonardum Pachel, et Uldrericum Scinzinzeller, 1481, in 4to.

7. Ejusdem, Facetiæ cum Laurentii Vallæ facetiis moralibus et Francisci Petrarchæ de Salibus viror. illus. ac facetiis libro, Paris, absque anni et typographi nomine sed circa, annum 1477, aut saltem 1478, excusa, 4to.

8. Poggii Facetiæ, 1498, in 4to. sine loci aut typographi nomine. This edition is not mentioned by De Bure, who closes his list with noticing the following translations.

Les Faceties de Pogge translatées de Latin en François. Paris, Bonfons, 1549, 4to.

Les Comptes facétieux et joyeuses recreations du Poge Florentin, trad. du Latin en François. Paris, Cousturier, 1605, in 16mo.

A neat and correct Latin edition of the Facetiæ in two small pocket volumes was published by a French emigrant in the year 1798. Of this edition the following is the title.

Poggii Florentini Facetiarum Libellus Unicus notulis Imitatores indicantibus et nonnullis sive Latinis, sive Gallicis Imitationibus illustratus, simul ad fidem optimarum editionum emendatus. Mileti, 1798.

[410] Visio Francisci Philelphi apud Poggii Opera, p. 456.

[411] Tonelli, vol. ii. p. 122, 123.

[412] An eulogiam of Cosmo de’ Medici, written by Niccolo of Foligni, is preserved in the Laurentian library. Mehi Vita Amb. Trav. tom. i. p. lxxiii.

[413] The reader of Joe Miller will remember that this story has, in its descent to modern times, received divers improvements.

[414] See a long and elaborate letter of Leonardo’s on this subject in the collection of epistles published by Mehus, Lib. vi. ep. x.

[415] It appears from the introduction to the second part of the Historia discept. conviv. (Poggii Opera, p. 37) that Poggio wrote two treatises, the one in commendation of the art of medicine, and the other in praise of the science of law. A MS. copy of the treatise in laudem legum is preserved in the Laurentian library. Bandini Catalogus, tom. ii. p. 408.

[416] Poggii Epistolæ lvii. epist. xlvii.

[417] Tiraboschi Storia della Letter. Ital. tom. vi. part 2d, p. 329.

[418] See Ton. Tr. tom. ii. p. 138.

[419] Recanati Vita Poggii, p. xvii.-xix. The trading companies of Florence seem to have been constituted in the same manner as those into which the citizens of London are at this day subdivided.

[420] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 456.

[421] Muratori Annali, tom. ix. p. 456. It may be mentioned as a striking instance of the liberty which was granted by personages of the most exalted eminence to scholars of celebrity in the fifteenth century, that Poggio at various times addressed letters to his patron, cardinal Beaufort, to prince John Corrinus, Waiwode of Hungary, to the duke of Viseo, brother to Edward, king of Portugal, and also to Alfonso, king of Naples, exhorting them to active exertions against the Turks, who at this time threatened to overrun some of the finest countries of Europe. These letters still exist in the Riccardi MS. Ton. Tr. tom. ii. p. 140.

[422] Tiraboschi Storia della letter. Ital. tom. vi. p. ii. p. 303. If credit may be given to Valla’s own assertion, his introduction into the world was announced in a supernatural manner. He boasts in his Antidotus, p. 191, that his mother being ignorant that she was pregnant, was apprized of that circumstance by the interposition of an oracle, which informed her that she would be brought to bed of a son, and gave particular directions with respect to her offspring’s name. It might have been reasonably conjectured that this oracle was some experienced matron; but by the subsequent part of Valla’s narration, it seems that the important admonition in question proceeded from one of the saints.

[423] Valla Antidotus in Poggium, p. 200.

[424] Ibid, p. 201.

[425] Vallæ Antidotus in Poggium, p. 201.

[426] This treatise is printed in the first volume of the Fasciculus Rer. expet. et fugiend.

[427] Vallæ Antidotus, p. 210.

[428] Ibid, p. 211.

[429] See the account given of this transaction by Valla in his Antidotus, p. 218. Poggio, towards the conclusion of his third invective, asserts, that Valla was on this occasion subjected to the discipline of the scourge, and narrates the manner and form of his punishment with great minuteness.

[430] Valla’s invective against Beccatelli and Facio is divided into four books, and occupies fifty-two pages of the edition of his works, published by Ascensius in folio, an. 1528.

[431] Valla triumphantly boasts, (Antidotus, p. 167) that Nicolas V. presented to him with his own hand five hundred gold crowns as a remuneration for his Latin version of Thucydides. This version was printed by Henry Stephens, in his edition of that author, in the preface to which he complains of Valla’s inaccuracy and inelegance of style. That this complaint is just, abundant proof may be found in Stephens’s marginal corrections of Valla’s translation.

[432] Poggii Opera, p. 188-205.

[433] The passage which thus irritated the feeling of the Catalonian nobleman occurs in Poggio’s epistle to Andreolo Giustiniano, in which he remarks, upon the assertion of Francesco di Pistoia, that some Catalans had stolen a marble statue which he had in charge to deliver to Poggio: “in quo ut conjicio manifeste mentitus fuit. Non enim marmoria sculpti Cathalani cupidi sunt, sed auri et servorum quibus ad remigium utantur.”—Poggii Opera, p. 329.

[434] This attack on Poggio’s moral character occurs in the proemium to the Antidotus, and is couched in the following atrocious terms. “Ostendam itaque eum quasi alterum Regulum, malum quidem virum, non quod libidinosus ac prope libidinis professor, non quod adulter atquo adeo alienarum uxorum præreptor, non quod vinolentus semper ac potius temulentus, non quod falsarius et quidem convictus, non quod avarus, sacrilegus, perjurus, corruptor, spurcus, aliaque quæ extra nostram causam sunt, sed quatenus ad causam nostram facit, quod manifestarius calumniator.”—Antidotus, p. 8.

[435] He asserted, that during Valla’s residence at Pavia, he forged a receipt in order to evade the payment of a sum of money which he had borrowed, and that by way of punishment for this offence, he was exposed to public view with a mitre of paper upon his head. Poggio, in his relation of this anecdote, made use of the following ironical expression. “Falsum chirographum cum scripsisses, accusatus, convictus, damnatus, ante tempus legitimum absque ullâ dispensatione episcopus factus es.” This witticism of Poggio’s betrayed Monsieur L’Enfant into a very ridiculous error. “On trouve ici,” says he, in gravely commenting on this passage, “une particularité assez curieuse de la vie de Laurent Valla. C’est qu’ayant été ordonné Eveque à Pavie avant l’age et sans dispense, il quitta de lui même la mitre, et la deposa, en attendant dans le palais episcopal, où elle étoit encore. Je rapporterai ses paroles en Latin qui sont fort embrouillées.” Poggiana, tom. i. p. 212. On this statement of L’Enfant, Recanati, in his Osservazioni, p. 111, makes the following dry remark. “Non credo però, che l’autore della Poggiana, quando pure fosse Cattolico, vorrebbe essere fatto Vescovo in questa foggia, come Poggio dice che il Valla lo sia stato.”

[436] To enter into the particulars of Poggio’s charges and Valla’s defence would be a most disgusting task. The following circumstance is, however, too curious to be passed over without notice. Poggio reprobating the incontinence of his adversary, accused him of debauching his sister’s maid-servant. In reply to this accusation, Valla did not deny the fact; but with wonderful ingenuity thus converted it into a proof of his principled chastity. “Itaque cum nonnulli meorum propinquorum me virginem, sive frigidioris naturæ, et ob id non idoneum conjugio arbitrarentur, quorum unus erat vir sororis, quodammodo experiri cupiebant. Volui itaque eis ostendere, id quod facerem, non vitium esse corporis, sed animi virtutem.” Antidotus, p. 222.

[437] Poggii Opera, p. 234-242.

[438] Bandini Catalogus.

[439] Filelfi Opera, p. 75. On the death of the duke of Milan, Filelfo had experienced considerable inconvenience, in consequence of the war between Francesco Sforza and the Milanese. In the course of this contest he wavered between the two parties; but the success of Sforza at length attached him to the interests of that enterprising chieftain. Soon after the elevation of Nicolas V. to the pontificate, Filelfo was invited by Alfonso, king of Naples, to present to him in person a copy of his satires. On his way to Naples he passed through Rome, where he paid his respects to the pontiff, who endeavoured, but in vain, to retain him in his service by the promise of a liberal stipend. On his arrival at the Neapolitan capital, he was received with great kindness by Alfonso, at whose command he was crowned with laurel in the midst of the camp. From Naples he returned to Milan, where he received the afflicting intelligence, that at the sack of Constantinople by the Turks, Manfredina Doria, his mother-in-law, and two of her daughters had been carried away captives. It is an astonishing instance of the power of song, that he procured their redemption by an ode addressed to Mahomet II. In the year 1454, he was reconciled to Cosmo de’ Medici, by whose son Pietro he was treated with distinguished regard. During the life of Francesco Sforza, Filelfo was enabled, by the munificence of that prince, to live in a state of splendor which was very congenial to his dispositions; but on the death of that generous patron he received from his successor, Galeazzo Maria, little more than empty promises. In consequence of the pressure of distress, he undertook at the age of seventy-two to read lectures on Aristotle. After sustaining a variety of afflictions in consequence of the distracted state into which Milan was thrown by the death of Galeazzo, he received from Lorenzo de’ Medici an invitation to read lectures on the Greek language at Florence. This invitation he gladly accepted, and at the advanced age of eighty-three he repaired to the Tuscan capital, for the purpose of resuming the task of public instruction. The fatigues of his journey however overpowered the strength of his constitution, and soon after his arrival in Florence he closed a life of assiduous study, and of almost ceaseless turbulence.

For an elaborate history of Filelfo, see Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. x.

[440] Ton. Tr. tom. ii. p. 161.

[441] Matteo Palmerio was a Florentine citizen, descended from an illustrious family. Passing through the different gradations of civic honours, he was at length called to fill the highest offices of the state. He was an elegant scholar, and composed many works, amongst which the most distinguished was an Italian poem in terza rima, entitled Città di vita. This poem, in which are recounted the adventures of a human soul, which the author supposes to have been liberated from the prison of the body, was condemned by the inquisition as heretical.—Zeno Diss. Voss. tom. i. p. 100 et seq.

[442] Poggii Opera, p. 86-131.

[443] Poggiana, tom. ii. p. 162.

[444] Poggio’s History of Florence, as edited by Recanati, has been republished in the magnificent historical collections of Grævius and Muratori.

[445] By his wife, Poggio had five sons; Pietro Paulo, Giovanni Battista, Jacopo, Giovanni Francesco, and Filippo. Pietro Paulo was born in the year 1438. He entered into the fraternity of the Dominicans, and was promoted to the honourable office of Prior of Santa Maria ad Minervam, in Rome, which office he held till the time of his death, which happened September 6th, 1464.

Giovanni Battista, who was born in the year 1439, took the degree of doctor of civil and canon law, and attained the several dignities of Canonico of Florence, and of Arezzo, Rector of the Lateran church, Acolyte of the pontiff, and assistant clerk of the chamber. He composed in the Latin language the lives of Niccolo Piccinino, and Dominico Capranica, cardinal of Firmiano. He died anno 1570.

Jacopo, born anno 1441, was the only one of Poggio’s sons who did not enter into the ecclesiastical profession. He was a scholar of distinguished accomplishments. His Italian translation of his father’s History of Florence, and of his Latin version of the Cyropædia, have already been noticed. He also translated into Italian the lives of four of the Roman emperors. Nor did he confine his literary exertions to translations. He composed a commentary on Petrarca’s Triumph of Fame, which he dedicated to Lorenzo de’ Medici; a treatise on the origin of the War between the English and the French; and the life of Filippo Scolario, vulgarly called Pipo Spano. Entering into the service of cardinal Riario, he was involved in the guilt of the Pazzi conspiracy, and was of the number of the criminals who were suspended from the windows of the town hall of Florence, in the year 1478.

Giovanni Francesco, who was born anno 1447, after holding the offices of Canonico of Florence, and Rector of the Lateran church, went to Rome, where he became chamberlain of the pontiff, and abbreviator of the apostolic epistles. He was highly esteemed by Leo X., who appointed him his secretary, in the enjoyment of which office he died at Rome, July 25th, 1522, and was buried in the church of St. Gregory, where there still exists a monument erected to his memory.

Filippo was born anno 1450. When he had attained the twentieth year of his age he was created Canonico of Florence. But quitting the ecclesiastical life, he married a lady of an illustrious family, by whom he had three daughters.

Besides these five sons, Poggio had a daughter, named Lucretia, who married into the family of the Buondelmonti. Ton. Tr. tom. ii. p. 169.

[446] The fate of this statue was somewhat remarkable. In consequence of certain alterations made in the façade of the church of Santa Maria, in the year 1560, by Francesco, Grand duke of Tuscany, it was removed to another part of that edifice, where it now composes one of the group of the twelve apostles.—Recanati Vita Poggii, p. xxxiv.

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