A Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities

by William Smith

T

TĂBELLA, dim. of TĂBŬLA, a billet or tablet, with which each citizen and judex voted in the comitia and courts of justice. For details see pp. [107], [236].

TĂBELLĀRĬUS, a letter-carrier. As the Romans had no public post, they were obliged to employ special messengers, who were called tabellarii, to convey their letters (tabellae, literae), when they had not an opportunity of sending them otherwise.

TĂBERNĀCŬLUM. [[Templum].]

TABLĪNUM. [[Domus].]

TĂBŬLAE. This word properly means planks or boards, whence it is applied to several objects, as gaming-tables, pictures, but more especially to tablets used for writing. Generally, tabulae and tabellae signify waxen tablets (tabulae ceratae), which were thin pieces of wood, usually of an oblong shape, covered over with wax (cera). The wax was written on by means of the stilus. These tabulae were sometimes made of ivory and citron-wood, but generally of the wood of a more common tree, as the beech, fir, &c. The outer sides of the tablets consisted merely of the wood; it was only the inner sides that were covered over with wax. They were fastened together at the back by means of wires, which answered the purpose of hinges, so that they opened and shut like our books; and to prevent the wax of one tablet nibbing against the wax of the other, there was a raised margin around each, as is clearly seen in the woodcut on [p. 354]. There were sometimes two, three, four, five, or even more, tablets fastened together in the above-mentioned manner. Two such tablets were called diptycha (δίπτυχα), which merely means “twice-folded” (from πτύσσω, “to fold”), whence we have πτυκτίον, or with the τ omitted, πυκτίον. The Latin word pugillares, which is the name frequently given to tablets covered with wax, may perhaps be connected with the same root, though it is usually derived from pugillus, because they were small enough to be held in the hand. Three tablets fastened together were called triptycha; in the same way we also read of pentaptycha, and of polyptycha or multiplices (cerae). The pages of these tablets were frequently called by the name of cerae alone; thus we read of prima cera, altera cera, “first page,” “second page.” In tablets containing important legal documents, especially wills, the outer edges were pierced through with holes (foramina), through which a triple thread (linum) was passed, and upon which a seal was then placed. This was intended to guard against forgery, and if it was not done such documents were null and void. Waxen tablets were used among the Romans for almost every species of writing, where great length was not required. Thus letters were frequently written upon them, which were secured by being fastened together with packthread and sealed with wax. Legal documents, and especially wills, were almost always written on waxen tablets. Such tablets were also used for accounts, in which a person entered what he received and expended (tabulae or codex accepti et expensi), whence novae tabulae mean an abolition of debts either wholly or in part. The tablets used in voting in the comitia and the courts of justice were also called tabulae, as well as tabellae. [[Tabella].]

TĂBŬLĀRĬI were notaries or accountants, who are first mentioned under this name in the time of the empire. Public notaries, who had the charge of public documents, were also called tabularii. They were first established by M. Antoninus in the provinces, who ordained that the births of all children were to be announced to the tabularii within thirty days from the birth.

TĂBŬLĀRĬUM, a place where the public records (tabulae publicae) were kept. These records were of various kinds, as for instance senatusconsulta, tabulae censoriae, registers of births, deaths, of the names of those who assumed the toga virilis, &c. There were various tabularia at Rome, all of which were in temples; we find mention made of tabularia in the temples of the Nymphs, of Lucina, of Juventus, of Libitina, of Ceres, and more especially in that of Saturn, which was also the public treasury.

TAGUS (ταγός), a leader or general, was more especially the name of the military leader of the Thessalians. He is sometimes called king (βασιλεύς). His command was of a military rather than of a civil nature, and he seems only to have been appointed when there was a war or one was apprehended. We do not know the extent of the power which the Tagus possessed constitutionally, nor the time for which he held the office; probably neither was precisely fixed, and depended on the circumstances of the times and the character of the individual.

TĀLĀRĬA, small wings, fixed to the ancles of Hermes and reckoned among his attributes (πέδιλα, πτηνοπέδιλος). In many works of ancient art they are represented growing from his ancles (see cut, [p. 63]); but more frequently he is represented with sandals, which have wings fastened to them on each side over the ancles.

Talaria. (From a Statue of Hermes at Naples.)

TĂLASSĬO. [[Matrimonium].]

TĂLENTUM (τάλαντον) meant originally a balance [[Libra]], then the substance weighed, and lastly and commonly a certain weight, the talent. The Greek system of money, as well as the Roman [[As]], was founded on a reference to weight. A certain weight of silver among the Greeks, as of copper among the Romans, was used as a representative of a value, which was originally and generally that of the metal itself. The talent therefore and its divisions are denominations of money as well as of weight. The Greek system of weights contained four principal denominations, which, though different in different times and places, and even at the same place for different substances, always bore the same relation to each other. These were the talent (τάλαντον), which was the largest, then the mina (μνᾶ), the drachma (δραχμή), and the obolus (ὀβολός). [See [Tables].] The Attic and Aeginetan were the two standards of money most in use in Greece. The Attic mina was 4l. 1s. 3d., and the talent 243l. 15s. The Aeginetan mina was 5l. 14s. 7d., and the talent 343l. 15s. The Euboic talent was of nearly the same weight as the Attic. A much smaller talent was in use for gold. It was equal to six Attic drachmae, or about ¾ oz. and 71 grs. It was called the gold talent, or the Sicilian talent, from its being much used by the Greeks of Italy and Sicily. This is the talent always meant when the word occurs in Homer. This small talent explains the use of the term great talent (magnum talentum), which we find in Latin authors, for the silver Attic talent was great in comparison with this. But the use of the word by the Romans is altogether very inexact. Where talents are mentioned in the classical writers without any specification of the standard, we must generally understand the Attic.

TĀLĬO, from Talis, signifies an equivalent, but it is used only in the sense of a punishment or penalty the same in kind and degree as the mischief which the guilty person has done to the body of another. Talio, as a punishment, was a part of the Mosaic law.

TĀLUS (ἀστράγαλος), a huckle-bone. The huckle-bones of sheep and goats were used to play with from the earliest times, principally by women and children, occasionally by old men. To play at this game was sometimes called πενταλιθίζειν, because five bones or other objects of a similar kind were employed; and this number is retained among ourselves. When the sides of the bone were marked with different values, the game became one of chance. [[Alea]; [Tessera].] The two ends were left blank, because the bone could not rest upon either of them on account of its curvature. The four remaining sides were marked with the numbers 1, 3, 4, 6; 1 and 6 being on two opposite sides, and 3 and 4 on the other two opposite sides. The Greek and Latin names of the numbers were as follows:—1. Μονάς, εἶς, κύων, Χῖος; Ion. Οἴνη: Unio, Vulturius, canis: 3. Τρίας, Ternio; 4. Τετράς, Quaternio; 6. Ἑξάς, ἑξίτης, Κῷος; Senio. Two persons played together at this game, using four bones, which they threw up into the air, or emptied out of a dice-box, and observing the numbers on the uppermost sides. The numbers on the four sides of the four bones admitted of thirty-five different combinations. The lowest throw of all was four aces (jacere vultorios quatuor). But the value of a throw was not in all cases the sum of the four numbers turned up. The highest in value was that called Venus, or jactus Venereus, in which the numbers cast up were all different, the sum of them being only fourteen. It was by obtaining this throw that the king of the feast was appointed among the Romans [[Symposium]], and hence it was also called Basilicus. Certain other throws were called by particular names, taken from gods, illustrious men and women, and heroes. Thus the throw, consisting of two aces and two trays, making eight, which number, like the jactus Venereus, could be obtained only once, was denominated Stesichorus.

Game of Tali. (From an ancient Painting.)

TĂMĬAE (ταμίαι), the treasurers of the temples and the revenue at Athens. The wealthiest of all the temples at Athens was that of Athena on the Acropolis, the treasures of which were under the guardianship of ten tamiae, who were chosen annually by lot from the class of pentacosiomedimni, and afterwards, when the distinction of classes had ceased to exist, from among the wealthiest of Athenian citizens. The treasurers of the other gods were chosen in like manner; but they, about the 90th Olympiad, were all united into one board, while those of Athena remained distinct. Their treasury, however, was transferred to the same place as that of Athena, viz., to the opisthodomus of the Parthenon, where were kept not only all the treasures belonging to the temples, but also the state treasure (ὅσια χρήματα, as contra-distinguished from ἱερά), under the care of the treasurers of Athena. All the funds of the state were considered as being in a manner consecrated to Athena; while on the other hand the people reserved to themselves the right of making use of the sacred monies, as well as the other property of the temples, if the safety of the state should require it. Payments made to the temples were received by the treasurers in the presence of some members of the senate, just as public monies were by the Apodectae; and then the treasurers became responsible for their safe custody.—The treasurer of the revenue (ταμίας or ἐπιμελητής τῆς κοινῆς προσόδου) was a more important personage than those last mentioned. He was not a mere keeper of monies, like them, nor a mere receiver, like the apodectae; but a general paymaster, who received through the apodectae all money which was to be disbursed for the purposes of the administration (except the property-taxes, which were paid into the war-office, and the tribute from the allies, which was paid to the hellenotamiae [[Hellenotamiae]]), and then distributed it in such manner as he was required to do by the law; the surplus (if any) he paid into the war-office or the theoric fund. As this person knew all the channels in which the public money had to flow, and exercised a general superintendence over the expenditure, he was competent to give advice to the people upon financial measures, with a view to improve the revenue, introduce economy, and prevent abuses; he is sometimes called ταμίας τῆς διοικήσεως, or ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως, and may be regarded as a sort of minister of finance. He was elected by vote (χειροτονία), and held his office for four years, but was capable of being re-elected. A law, however, was passed during the administration of Lycurgus, the orator, prohibiting re-election; so that Lycurgus, who is reported to have continued in office for twelve years, must have held it for the last eight years under fictitious names. The power of this officer was by no means free from control; inasmuch as any individual was at liberty to propose financial measures, or institute criminal proceedings for malversation or waste of the public funds; and there was an ἀντιγραφεὺς τῆς διοικήσεως appointed to check the accounts of his superior. Anciently there were persons called Poristae (πορίσται), who appear to have assisted the tamiae in some part of their duties. The money disbursed by the treasurer of the revenue was sometimes paid directly to the various persons in the employ of the government, sometimes through subordinate pay offices. Many public functionaries had their own paymasters, who were dependent on the treasurer of the revenue, receiving their funds from him, and then distributing them in their respective departments. Such were the τριηροποιοί, τειχοποιοί, ὁδοποιοί, ταφροποιοί, ἐπεμεληταὶ νεωρίων, who received through their own tamiae such sums as they required from time to time for the prosecution of their works. The payment of the judicial fees was made by the Colacretae (κωλακρέται), which, and the providing for the meals in the Prytaneium, were the only duties that remained to them after the establishment of the apodectae by Cleisthenes. The tamiae of the sacred vessels (τῆς Παράλου and τῆς Σαλαμινίας) acted not only as treasurers, but as trierarchs, the expenses (amounting for the two ships together to about sixteen talents) being provided by the state. They were elected by vote. Other trierarchs had their own private tamiae.—The war fund at Athens (independently of the tribute) was provided from two sources: first, the property-tax (εἰσφορά), and secondly, the surplus of the yearly revenue, which remained after defraying the expenses of the civil administration. Of the ten strategi, who were annually elected to preside over the war department, one was called στρατηγὸς ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς διοικήσεως, to whom the management of the war fund was entrusted. He had under him a treasurer, called the ταμίας τῶν στρατιωτικῶν, who gave out the pay of the troops, and defrayed all other expenses incident to the service. So much of the surplus revenue as was not required for the purposes of war, was to be paid by the treasurer of the revenue into the theoric fund; of which, after the archonship of Euclides, special managers were created. [[Theorica].]—Lastly, we have to notice the treasurers of the demi (δήμων ταμίαι), and those of the tribes (φυλῶν ταμίαι), who had the care of the funds belonging to their respective communities, and performed duties analogous to those of the state treasurers. The demi, as well as the tribes, had their common lands, which were usually let to farm. The rents of these formed the principal part of their revenue.

TAXIARCHI (ταξίαρχοι), military officers at Athens, next in rank to the strategi. They were ten in number, like the strategi, one for each tribe, and were elected by vote (χειροτονία). In war each commanded the infantry of his own tribe, and they were frequently called to assist the strategi with their advice at the war-council. In peace they assisted the strategi in levying and enlisting soldiers, and seem to have also assisted the strategi in the discharge of many of their other duties. The taxiarchs were so called from their commanding taxeis (τάξεις), which were the principal divisions of the hoplites in the Athenian army. Each tribe (φυλή) formed a taxis. As there were ten tribes, there were consequently in a complete Athenian army ten taxeis, but the number of men contained in each would of course vary according to the importance of the war. Among the other Greeks, the taxis was the name of a much smaller division of troops. The lochus (λόχος) among the Athenians was a subdivision of the taxis, and the lochagi (λοχαγοί) were probably appointed by the taxiarchs.

TĒGŬLA (κέραμος, dim. κεραμίς), a roofing-tile. Roofing-tiles were originally made, like bricks, of baked clay (γῆς ὀπτῆς). Byzes of Naxos first introduced tiles of marble about the year 620 B.C. A still more expensive and magnificent method of roofing consisted in the use of tiles made of bronze and gilt. At Rome the houses were originally roofed with shingles, and continued to be so down to the time of the war with Pyrrhus, when tiles began to supersede the old roofing material.

TEICHŎPOII (τειχοποιοί), magistrates at Athens, whose business it was to build and keep in repair the public walls. They appear to have been elected by vote (χειροτονία), one from each tribe, and probably for a year. Funds were put at their disposal, for which they had their treasurer (ταμίας) dependent on the treasurer of the revenue. They were liable to render an account (εὐθύνη) of their management of these funds, and also of their general conduct, like other magistrates. This office has been invested with peculiar interest in modern times, on account of its having been held by Demosthenes, and its having given occasion to the famous prosecution of Ctesiphon, who proposed that Demosthenes should receive the honour of a crown before he had rendered his account according to law.

TĒLA (ἱστός), a loom. Although weaving was among the Greeks and Romans a distinct trade, carried on by a separate class of persons (ὑφάνται, textores and textrices, linteones), yet every considerable domestic establishment, especially in the country, contained a loom, together with the whole apparatus necessary for the working of wool (lanificium, ταλασία, ταλασιουργία). [[Calathus].] These occupations were all supposed to be carried on under the protection of Athena or Minerva, specially denominated Ergane (Ἐργάνη). When the farm or the palace was sufficiently large to admit of it, a portion of it called the histon (ἱστῶν) or textrinum was devoted to this purpose. The work was there principally carried on by female slaves (quasillariae), under the superintendence of the mistress of the house. Every thing woven consists of two essential parts, the warp and the woof, called in Latin stamen and subtegmen, subtemen, or trama; in Greek στήμων and κροκή. The warp was called stamen in Latin (from stare) on account of its erect posture in the loom. The corresponding Greek term στήμων, and likewise ἱστός, have evidently the same derivation. For the same reason, the very first operation in weaving was to set up the loom (ἱστὸν στήσασθαι); and the web or cloth, before it was cut down or “descended” from the loom, was called vestis pendens or pendula tela, because it hung from the transverse beam, or jugum. These particulars are all clearly exhibited in the picture of Circe’s loom given in the annexed cut. We observe in the preceding woodcut, about the middle of the apparatus, a transverse rod passing through the warp. A straight cane was well adapted to be so used, and its application is clearly expressed by Ovid in the words stamen secernit arundo. In plain weaving it was inserted between the threads of the warp so as to divide them into two portions, the threads on one side of the rod alternating with those on the other side throughout the whole breadth of the warp. In a very ancient form of the loom there was a roller underneath the jugum, turned by a handle, and on which the web was wound as the work advanced. The threads of the warp, besides being separated by a transverse rod or plank, were divided into thirty or forty parcels, to each of which a stone was suspended for the purpose of keeping the warp in a perpendicular position, and allowing the necessary play to the strokes of the spatha. Whilst the comparatively coarse, strong, and much-twisted thread designed for the warp was thus arranged in parallel lines, the woof remained upon the spindle [[Fusus]], forming a spool, bobbin, or pen (πήνη). This was either conveyed through the warp without any additional contrivance, or it was made to revolve in a shuttle (radius). This was made of box brought from the shores of the Euxine, and was pointed at its extremities, that it might easily force its way through the warp. All that is effected by the shuttle is the conveyance of the woof across the warp. To keep every thread of the woof in its proper place, it is necessary that the threads of the warp should be decussated. This was done by the leashes, called in Latin licia, in Greek μίτοι. By a leash we are to understand a thread having at one end a loop, through which a thread of the warp was passed, the other end being fastened to a straight rod called liciatorium, and in Greek κανών. The warp, having been divided by the arundo, as already mentioned, into two sets of threads, all those of the same set were passed through the loops of the corresponding set of leashes, and all these leashes were fastened at their other end to the same wooden rod. At least one set of leashes was necessary to decussate the warp, even in the plainest and simplest weaving. The number of sets was increased according to the complexity of the pattern, which was called bilix or trilix, δίμιτος, τρίμιτος, or πολύμιτος, according as the number was two, three, or more. The process of annexing the leashes to the warp was called ordiri telam, also licia telae addere, or adnectere. It occupied two women at the same time, one of whom took in regular succession each separate thread of the warp, and handed it over to the other (παραφέρειν, παραδίδοναι, or προσφωρεῖσθαι); the other, as she received each thread, passed it through the loop in proper order; an act which we call “entering,” in Greek διάζεσθαι. Supposing the warp to have been thus adjusted, and the pen or the shuttle to have been carried through it, it was then decussated by drawing forwards the proper rod, so as to carry one set of the threads of the warp across the rest, after which the woof was shot back again, and by the continual repetition of this process the warp and woof were interlaced. Two staves were occasionally used to fix the rods in such a position as was most convenient to assist the weaver in drawing her woof across her warp. After the woof had been conveyed by the shuttle through the warp, it was driven sometimes downwards, as is represented in the woodcut, but more commonly upwards. Two different instruments were used in this part of the process. The simplest, and probably the most ancient, was in the form of a large wooden sword (spatha, σπάθη). The spatha was, however, in a great degree superseded by the comb (pecten, κερκίς), the teeth of which were inserted between the threads of the warp, and thus made by a forcible impulse to drive the threads of the woof close together.—The lyre, the favourite musical instrument of the Greeks, was only known to the Romans as a foreign invention. Hence they appear to have described its parts by a comparison with the loom, with which they were familiar. The terms jugum and stamina were transferred by an obvious resemblance from the latter to the former object; and, although they adopted into their own language the Greek word plectrum, they used the Latin pecten to denote the same thing, not because the instrument used in striking the lyre was at all like a comb in shape and appearance, but because it was held in the right hand, and inserted between the stamina of the lyre, as the comb was between the stamina of the loom.

Tela, Loom. (From the Vatican MS. of Virgil.)

TĔLAMŌNES. [[Atlantes].]

TĔLŌNES (τελώνης), a farmer of the public taxes at Athens. The taxes were let by auction to the highest bidder. Companies often took them in the name of one person, who was called ἀρχώνης or τελωνάρχης, and was their representative to the state. Sureties were required of the farmer for the payment of his dues. The office was frequently undertaken by resident aliens, citizens not liking it, on account of the vexatious proceedings to which it often led. The farmer was armed with considerable powers: he carried with him his books, searched for contraband or uncustomed goods, watched the harbour, markets, and other places, to prevent smuggling, or unlawful and clandestine sales; brought a phasis (φάσις) or other legal process against those whom he suspected of defrauding the revenue; or even seized their persons on some occasions, and took them before the magistrate. To enable him to perform these duties, he was exempted from military service. Collectors (ἐκλογεῖς) were sometimes employed by the farmers; but frequently the farmer and the collector were the same person. The taxes were let by the commissioners (πωλῆται), acting under the authority of the senate. The payments were made by the farmer on stated prytaneias in the senate-house. There was usually one payment made in advance, προκαταβολή, and one or more afterwards, called προσκατάβλημα. Upon any default of payment, the farmer became atimus, if a citizen, and he was liable to be imprisoned at the discretion of the court, upon an information laid against him. If the debt was not paid by the expiration of the ninth prytaneia, it was doubled; and if not then paid, his property became forfeited to the state, and proceedings to confiscation might be taken forthwith. Upon this subject, see the speech of Demosthenes against Timocrates.

TĔLOS (τέλος), a tax. The taxes imposed by the Athenians, and collected at home, were either ordinary or extraordinary. The former constituted a regular or permanent source of income; the latter were only raised in time of war or other emergency. The ordinary taxes were laid mostly upon property, and upon citizens indirectly, in the shape of toll or customs; though the resident aliens paid a poll-tax (called μετοίκιον), for the liberty of residing at Athens under protection of the state. There was a duty of two per cent. (πεντηκοστή), levied upon all exports and imports. An excise was paid on all sales in the market (called ἐπωνία), though we know not what the amount was. Slave-owners paid a duty of three obols for every slave they kept; and slaves who had been emancipated paid the same. This was a very productive tax before the fortification of Deceleia by the Lacedaemonians. The justice fees (πρυτανεῖα, παραστασις, &c.) were a lucrative tax in time of peace. The extraordinary taxes were the property-tax, and the compulsory services called liturgies (λειτουργίαι). Some of these last were regular, and recurred annually; the most important, the trierarchia, was a war-service, and performed as occasion required. As these services were all performed, wholly or partly, at the expense of the individual, they may be regarded as a species of tax. [[Eisphora]; [Leitourgia]; [Trierarchia].] The tribute (φόρος) paid by the allied states to the Athenians formed, in the flourishing period of the republic, a regular and most important source of revenue. In Olymp. 91 2, the Athenians substituted for the tribute a duty of five per cent. (εἰκοστή) on all commodities exported or imported by the subject states, thinking to raise by this means a larger income than by direct taxation. This was terminated by the issue of the Peloponnesian war, though the tribute was afterwards revived, on more equitable principles, under the name of σύνταξις. Other sources of revenue were derived by the Athenians from their mines and public lands, fines, and confiscations. The public demesne lands, whether pasture or arable, houses or other buildings, were usually let by auction to private persons. The conditions of the lease were engraven on stone. The rent was payable by prytaneias. These various sources of revenue produced, according to Aristophanes, an annual income of two thousand talents in the most flourishing period of Athenian empire. Τελεῖν signifies “to settle, complete, or perfect,” and hence “to settle an account,” and generally “to pay.” Thus Τέλος comes to mean any payment in the nature of a tax or duty. The words are connected with zahlen in German, and the old sense of tale in English, and the modern word toll. Though τέλος may signify any payment in the nature of a tax or duty, it is more commonly used of the ordinary taxes, as customs, &c. Ἰσοτέλεια signifies the right of being taxed on the same footing, and having other privileges, the same as the citizens; a right sometimes granted to resident aliens. Ἀτέλεια signifies an exemption from taxes, or other duties and services; an honour very rarely granted by the Athenians. As to the farming of the taxes, see [Telones].

TEMPLUM is the same word as the Greek Temenos (τέμενος, from τέμνω, to cut off); for templum was any place which was circumscribed and separated by the augurs from the rest of the land by a certain solemn formula. The technical terms for this act of the augurs are liberare and effari, and hence a templum itself is a locus liberatus et effatus. A place thus set apart and hallowed by the augurs was always intended to serve religious purposes, but chiefly for taking the auguries. The place in the heavens within which the observations were to be made was likewise called templum, as it was marked out and separated from the rest by the staff of the augur. When the augur had defined the templum within which he intended to make his observations, he fixed his tent in it (tabernaculum capere), and this tent was likewise called templum, or, more accurately, templum minus. The place chosen for a templum was generally an eminence, and in the city it was the arx, where the fixing of a tent does not appear to have been necessary, because here a place called auguraculum was once for all consecrated for this purpose. Besides this meaning of the word templum in the language of the augurs, it also had that of a temple in the common acceptation. In this case, however, the sacred precinct within which a temple was built, was always a locus liberatus et effatus by the augurs, that is, a templum or a fanum; the consecration was completed by the pontiffs, and not until inauguration and consecration had taken place, could sacra be performed or meetings of the senate be held in it. It was necessary then for a temple to be sanctioned by the gods, whose will was ascertained by the augurs, and to be consecrated or dedicated by the will of man (pontiffs). Where the sanction of the gods had not been obtained, and where the mere act of man had consecrated a place to the gods, such a place was only a sacrum, sacrarium, or sacellum. The ceremony performed by the augurs was essential to a temple, as the consecration by the pontiffs took place also in other sanctuaries which were not templa, but mere sacra or aedes sacrae. Thus the sanctuary of Vesta was not a templum, but an aedes sacra, and the various curiae (Hostilia, Pompeia, Julia) required to be made templa by the augurs before senatusconsulta could be made in them. It is impossible to determine with certainty in what respects a templum differed from a delubrum.—Temples appear to have existed in Greece from the earliest times. They were separated from the profane land around them (τόπος βέβηλος or τὰ βέβηλα), because every one was allowed to walk in the latter. This separation was in early times indicated by very simple means, such as a string or a rope. Subsequently, however, they were surrounded by more efficient fences, or even by a wall (ἕρκος, περίβολος). The whole space enclosed in such a περίβολος was called τέμενος, or sometimes ἱερόν; and contained, besides the temple itself, other sacred buildings, and sacred ground planted with groves, &c. Within the precincts of the sacred enclosure no dead were generally allowed to be buried, though there were some exceptions to this rule, and we have instances of persons being buried in or at least near certain temples. The religious laws of the island of Delos did not allow any corpses to be buried within the whole extent of the island, and when this law had been violated, a part of the island was first purified by Pisistratus, and subsequently the whole island by the Athenian people. The temple itself was called ναός or νεώς, and at its entrance fonts (περιῤῥαντήρια) were generally placed, that those who entered the sanctuary to pray or to offer sacrifices might first purify themselves. The act of consecration, by which a temple was dedicated to a god, was called ἵδρυσις. The character of the early Greek temples was dark and mysterious, for they had no windows, and they received light only through the door, which was very large, or from lamps burning in them. Architecture in the construction of magnificent temples, however, made great progress even at an earlier time than either painting or statuary, and long before the Persian wars we hear of temples of extraordinary grandeur and beauty. All temples were built either in an oblong or round form, and were mostly adorned with columns. Those of an oblong form had columns either in the front alone, in the fore and back fronts, or on all the four sides. Respecting the original use of these porticoes see [Porticus]. The friezes and metopes were adorned with various sculptures, and no expense was spared in embellishing the abodes of the gods. The light, which was formerly let in at the door, was now frequently let in from above through an opening in the middle. Most of the great temples consisted of three parts: 1. the πρόναος or πρόδομος, the vestibule; 2. the cella (ναός, σηκός); and 3. the ὀπισθόδομος. The cella was the most important part, as it was, properly speaking, the temple or the habitation of the deity whose statue it contained. In one and the same cella there were sometimes the statues of two or more divinities, as in the Erechtheum at Athens, the statues of Poseidon, Hephaestus, and Butas. The statues always faced the entrance, which was in the centre of the prostylus. The place where the statue stood was called ἕδος, and was surrounded by a balustrade or railings. Some temples also had more than one cella, in which case the one was generally behind the other, as in the temple of Athena Polias at Athens. In temples where oracles were given, or where the worship was connected with mysteries, the cella was called ἄδυτον, μέγαρον, or ἀνάκτορον, and to it only the priests and the initiated had access. The ὀπισθόδομος was a building which was sometimes attached to the back front of a temple, and served as a place in which the treasures of the temple were kept, and thus supplied the place of θησαυροί, which were attached to some temples.—Quadrangular Temples were described by the following terms, according to the number and arrangement of the columns on the fronts and sides. 1. Ἄστυλος, astyle, without any columns. 2. Ἐν παραστάσι, in antis, with two columns in front between the antae. 3. Πρόστυλος, prostyle, with four columns in front. 4. Ἀμφιπρόστυλος, amphiprostyle, with four columns at each end. 5. Περίπτερος or ἀμφικίων, peripteral, with columns at each end and along each side. 6. Δίπτερος, dipteral, with two ranges of columns (πτερά) all round, the one within the other. 7. Ψευδοδίπτερος, pseudodipteral, with one range only, but at the same distance from the walls of the cella as the outer range of a δίπτερος. To these must be added a sort of sham invented by the Roman architects, namely: 8. Ψευδοπερίπτερος, pseudoperipteral, where the sides had only half-columns (at the angles three-quarter columns), attached to the walls of the cella, the object being to have the cella large without enlarging the whole building, and yet to keep up something of the splendour of a peripteral temple. Names were also applied to the temples, as well as to the porticoes themselves, according to the number of columns in the portico at either end of the temple: namely, τετράστυλος, tetrastyle, when there were four columns in front, ἑξάστυλος, hexastyle, when there were six, ὀκτάστυλος, octastyle, when there were eight, δεκάστυλος, decastyle, when there were ten. There were never more than ten columns in the end portico of a temple; and when there were only two, they were always arranged in that peculiar form called in antis (ἐν παραστάσι). The number of columns in the end porticoes was never uneven, but the number along the sides of a temple was generally uneven. The number of the side columns varied: where the end portico was tetrastyle, there were never any columns at the sides, except false ones, attached to the walls: where it was hexastyle or octastyle, there were generally 13 or 17 columns at the sides, counting in the corner columns: sometimes a hexastyle temple had only eleven columns on the sides. The last arrangement resulted from the rule adopted by the Roman architects, who counted by intercolumniations (the spaces between the columns), and whose rule was to have twice as many intercolumniations along the sides of the building as in front. The Greek architects on the contrary, counted by columns, and their rule was to have twice as many columns along the sides as in front, and one more, counting the corner columns in each case. Another set of terms, applied to temples and other buildings having porticoes, as well as to the porticoes themselves, was derived from the distances between the columns as compared with the lower diameters of the columns. They were the following:—1. Πυκνόστυλος, pycnostyle, the distance between the columns a diameter of a column and half a diameter. 2. Σύστυλος, systyle, the distance between the columns two diameters of a column. 3. Εὔστυλος, eustyle, the distance between the columns two diameters and a quarter, except in the centre of the front and back of the building, where each intercolumniation (intercolumnium) was three diameters; called eustyle, because it was best adapted both for beauty and convenience. 4. Διάστυλος, diastyle, the intercolumniation, or distance between the columns, three diameters. 5. Ἀραιόστυλος, araeostyle, the distances excessive, so that it was necessary to make the epistyle (ἐπιστύλιον), or architrave, not of stone, but of timber. These five kinds of intercolumniation are illustrated by the following diagram.

⬤	1½	⬤
⬤	2	⬤
⬤	2¼	⬤
⬤	3	⬤
⬤	{ 4 } {or more}	⬤

Independently of the immense treasures contained in many of the Greek temples, which were either utensils or ornaments, and of the tithes of spoils, &c., the property of temples, from which they derived a regular income, consisted of lands (τεμένη), either fields, pastures, or forests. These lands were generally let out to farm, unless they were, by some curse which lay on them, prevented from being taken into cultivation. Respecting the persons entrusted with the superintendence, keeping, cleaning, &c., see [Aeditui]. In the earliest times there appear to have been very few temples at Rome, and on many spots the worship of a certain divinity had been established from time immemorial, while we hear of the building of a temple for the same divinity at a comparatively late period. Thus the foundation of a temple to the old Italian divinity Saturnus, on the Capitoline, did not take place till B.C. 498. In the same manner, Quirinus and Mars had temples built to them at a late period. Jupiter also had no temple till the time of Ancus Martius, and the one then built was certainly very insignificant. We may therefore suppose that the places of worship among the earliest Romans were in most cases simple altars or sacella. The Roman temples of later times were constructed in the Greek style. As regards the property of temples, it is stated that in early times lands were assigned to each temple, but these lands were probably intended for the maintenance of the priests alone. [[Sacerdos].] The supreme superintendence of the temples of Rome, and of all things connected with them, belonged to the college of pontiffs. Those persons who had the immediate care of the temples were the [Aeditui].

TĔPĬDĀRĬUM. [[Balneum], [p. 56].]

TERMĬNĀLĬA, a festival in honour of the god Terminus, who presided over boundaries. His statue was merely a stone or post stuck in the ground to distinguish between properties. On the festival the two owners of adjacent property crowned the statue with garlands, and raised a rude altar, on which they offered up some corn, honeycombs, and wine, and sacrificed a lamb or a sucking-pig. They concluded with singing the praises of the god. The public festival in honour of this god was celebrated at the sixth mile-stone on the road towards Laurentum, doubtless because this was originally the extent of the Roman territory in that direction. The festival of the Terminalia was celebrated on the 23rd of February, on the day before the Regifugium. The Terminalia was celebrated on the last day of the old Roman year, whence some derive its name. We know that February was the last month of the Roman year, and that when the intercalary month Mercedonius was added, the last five days of February were added to the intercalary month, making the 23rd of February the last day of the year.

TĔRUNCĬUS. [[As].]

TESSĔRA (κύβος), a square or cube; a die; a token. The dice used in games of chance were tesserae, small squares or cubes, and were commonly made of ivory, bone, or wood. They were numbered on all the six sides, like the dice still in use; and in this respect as well as in their form they differed from the tali. [[Talus].] Whilst four tali were used in playing, only three tesserae were anciently employed. Objects of the same materials with dice, and either formed like them, or of an oblong shape, were used as tokens for different purposes. The tessera hospitalis was the token of mutual hospitality, and is spoken of under [Hospitium]. This token was probably in many cases of earthenware, having the head of Jupiter Hospitalis stamped upon it. Tesserae frumentariae and nummariae were tokens given at certain times by the Roman magistrates to the poor, in exchange for which they received a fixed amount of corn or money. From the application of this term to tokens of various kinds, it was transferred to the word used as a token among soldiers. This was the tessera militaris, the σύνθημα of the Greeks. Before joining battle it was given out and passed through the ranks, as a method by which the soldiers might be able to distinguish friends from foes.

TESTĀMENTUM, a will. In order to be able to make a valid Roman will, the Testator must have the Testamentifactio, which term expresses the legal capacity to make a valid will. The testamentifactio was the privilege only of Roman citizens who were patresfamilias. The following persons consequently had not the testamentifactio: those who were in the Potestas or Manus of another, or in Mancipii causa, as sons and daughters, wives In manu and slaves: Latini Juniani, Dediticii: Peregrini could not dispose of their property according to the form of a Roman will: an Impubes could not dispose of his property by will even with the consent of his Tutor; when a male was fourteen years of age, he obtained the testamentifactio, and a female obtained the power, subject to certain restraints, on the completion of her twelfth year: muti, surdi, furiosi, and prodigi “quibus lege bonis interdictum est” had not the testamentifactio. In order to constitute a valid will, it was necessary that a heres should be instituted, which might be done in such terms as follow:—Titius heres esto, Titium heredem esse jubeo. [[Heres] (Roman.)] Originally there were two modes of making wills; either at Calata Comitia, which were appointed twice a year for that purpose; or in procinctu, that is, when a man was going to battle. A third mode of making wills was introduced, which was effected per aes et libram, whence the name of Testamentum per aes et libram. If a man had neither made his will at Calata Comitia nor In procinctu, and was in imminent danger of death, he would mancipate (mancipio dabat) his Familia, that is, his Patrimonium to a friend and would tell him what he wished to be given to each after his death. There seems to have been no rule of law that a testament must be written. The heres might either be made by oral declaration (nuncupatio) or by writing. Written wills however were the common form among the Romans at least in the later republican and in the imperial periods. They were written on tablets of wood or wax, whence the word “cera” is often used as equivalent to “tabella;” and the expressions prima, secunda cera are equivalent to prima, secunda pagina. The will must have been in some way so marked as to be recognized, and the practice of the witnesses (testes) sealing and signing the will at last became common. It was necessary for the witnesses both to seal (signare), that is, to make a mark with a ring (annulus) or something else on the wax and to add their names (adscribere). Wills were to be tied with a triple thread (linum) on the upper part of the margin which was to be perforated at the middle part, and the wax was to be put over the thread and sealed. Tabulae which were produced in any other way had no validity. A man might make several copies of his will, which was often done for the sake of caution. When sealed, it was deposited with some friend, or in a temple, or with the Vestal Virgins; and after the testator’s death it was opened (resignare) in due form. The witnesses or the major part were present, and after they had acknowledged their seals, the thread (linum) was broken and the will was opened and read, and a copy was made; the original was then sealed with the public seal and placed in the archium, whence a fresh copy might be got, if the first copy should ever be lost.

TESTIS, a witness.—(1) Greek. [[Martyria].]—(2) Roman. [[Jusjurandum].]

TESTŪDO (χελώνη), a tortoise, was the name given to several other objects.—(1) To the Lyra, because it was sometimes made of a tortoise-shell.—(2) To an arched or vaulted roof.—(3) To a military machine moving upon wheels and roofed over, used in besieging cities, under which the soldiers worked in undermining the walls or otherwise destroying them. It was usually covered with raw hides, or other materials which could not easily be set on fire. The battering-ram [[Aries]] was frequently placed under a testudo of this kind, which was then called Testudo Arietaria.—(4) The name of testudo was also applied to the covering made by a close body of soldiers who placed their shields over their heads to secure themselves against the darts of the enemy. The shields fitted so closely together as to present one unbroken surface without any interstices between them, and were also so firm that men could walk upon them, and even horses and chariots be driven over them. A testudo was formed (testudinem facere) either in battle to ward off the arrows and other missiles of the enemy, or, which was more frequently the case, to form a protection to the soldiers when they advanced to the walls or gates of a town for the purpose of attacking them. Sometimes the shields were disposed in such a way as to make the testudo slope. The soldiers in the first line stood upright, those in the second stooped a little, and each line successively was a little lower than the preceding down to the last, where the soldiers rested on one knee. Such a disposition of the shields was called fastigata testudo, on account of their sloping like the roof of a building. The advantages of this plan were obvious: the stones and missiles thrown upon the shields rolled off them like water from a roof; besides which, other soldiers frequently advanced upon them to attack the enemy upon the walls. The Romans were accustomed to form this kind of testudo, as an exercise, in the games of the circus.

Testudo. (From the Antonine Column.)

TĔTRARCHĒS or TĔTRARCHA (τετράρχης). This word was originally used, according to its etymological meaning, to signify the governor of the fourth part of a country (τετραρχία or τετραδαρχία). We have an example in the ancient division of Thessaly into four tetrarchies, which was revived by Philip. Each of the three Gallic tribes which settled in Galatia was divided into four tetrarchies, each ruled by a tetrarch. Some of the tribes of Syria were ruled by tetrarchs, and several of the princes of the house of Herod ruled in Palestine with this title. In the later period of the republic and under the empire, the Romans seem to have used the title (as also those of ethnarch and phylarch) to designate those tributary princes who were not of sufficient importance to be called kings.

TETTĂRĂKONTA, HOI (οἱ τετταράκοντα), the Forty, were certain officers chosen by lot, who made regular circuits through the demi of Attica, whence they are called δικασταὶ κατὰ δήμους, to decide all cases of αἰκία and τὰ περὶ τῶν βιαίων, and also all other private causes, where the matter in dispute was not above the value of ten drachmae. Their number was originally thirty, but was increased to forty after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, and the restoration of the democracy by Thrasybulus, in consequence, it is said, of the hatred of the Athenians to the number of thirty.

THARGĒLĬA (θαργήλια), a festival celebrated at Athens on the 6th and 7th of Thargelion, in honour of Apollo and Artemis. The real festival, or the Thargelia in a narrower sense of the word, appears to have taken place on the 7th; and on the preceding day, the city of Athens or rather its inhabitants were purified. The manner in which this purification was effected is very extraordinary, and is certainly a remnant of very ancient rites, for two persons were put to death on that day, and the one died on behalf of the men and the other on behalf of the women of Athens. The name by which these victims were designated was pharmaci (φαρμακοί). It appears probable, however, that this sacrifice did not take place annually, but only in case of a heavy calamity having befallen the city, such as the plague, a famine, &c. The victims appear to have been criminals sentenced to death. The second day of the thargelia was solemnized with a procession and an agon, which consisted of a cyclic chorus, performed by men at the expense of a choragus. The prize of the victor in this agon was a tripod, which he had to dedicate in the temple of Apollo which had been built by Pisistratus. On this day it was customary for persons who were adopted into a family to be solemnly registered, and received into the genos and the phratria of the adoptive parents. This solemnity was the same as that of registering one’s own children at the Apaturia.

Plan of Greek Theatre.

THĔĀTRUM (θέατρον), a theatre. The Athenians before the time of Aeschylus had only a wooden scaffolding on which their dramas were performed. Such a wooden theatre was only erected for the time of the Dionysiac festivals, and was afterwards pulled down. The first drama that Aeschylus brought upon the stage was performed upon such a wooden scaffold, and it is recorded as a singular and ominous coincidence that on that occasion (500 B.C.) the scaffolding broke down. To prevent the recurrence of such an accident, the building of a stone theatre was forthwith commenced on the south-eastern descent of the Acropolis, in the Lenaea; for it should be observed, that throughout Greece theatres were always built upon eminences, or on the sloping side of a hill. The new Athenian theatre was built on a very large scale, and appears to have been constructed with great skill in regard to its acoustic and perspective arrangements. Subsequently theatres were erected in all parts of Greece and Asia Minor, although Athens was the centre of the Greek drama, and the only place which produced great masterworks in this department of literature. All the theatres, however, which were constructed in Greece were probably built after the model of that of Athens, and, with slight deviations and modifications, they all resembled one another in the main points, as is seen in the numerous ruins of theatres in various parts of Greece, Asia Minor, and Sicily. The Attic theatre was, like all the Greek theatres, placed in such a manner that the place for the spectators formed the upper or north-western, and the stage with all that belonged to it the south-eastern part, and between these two parts lay the orchestra. The annexed plan has been made from the remains of Greek theatres still extant, and from a careful examination of the passages in ancient writers which describe the whole or parts of a theatre.—1. The place for the spectators was in a narrower sense of the word called theatrum. The seats for the spectators, which were in most cases cut out of the rock, consisted of rows of benches rising one above another; the rows themselves (a) formed parts (nearly three-fourths) of concentric circles, and were at intervals divided into compartments by one or more broad passages (b) running between them, and parallel with the benches. These passages were called διαζώματα, or κατατομαί, Lat. praecinctiones, and when the concourse of people was very great in a theatre, many persons might stand in them. Across the rows of benches ran stairs, by which persons might ascend from the lowest to the highest. But these stairs ran in straight lines only from one praecinctio to another; and the stairs in the next series of rows were just between the two stairs of the lower series of benches. By this course of the stairs the seats were divided into a number of compartments, resembling cones from which the tops are cut off; hence they were termed κεοκίδες, and in Latin cunei. The whole of the place for the spectators (θέατρον) was sometimes designated by the name κοῖλον, Latin cavea, it being in most cases a real excavation of the rock. Above the highest row of benches there rose a covered portico (c), which of course far exceeded in height the opposite buildings by which the stage was surrounded, and appears to have also contributed to increase the acoustic effect. The entrances to the seats of the spectators were partly underground, and led to the lowest rows of benches, while the upper rows must have been accessible from above.—2. The orchestra (ὀρχήστρα) was a circular level space extending in front of the spectators, and somewhat below the lowest row of benches. But it was not a complete circle, one segment of it being appropriated to the stage. The orchestra was the place for the chorus, where it performed its evolutions and dances, for which purpose it was covered with boards. As the chorus was the element out of which the drama arose, so the orchestra was originally the most important part of a theatre: it formed the centre around which all the other parts of the building were grouped. In the centre of the circle of the orchestra was the thymele (θυμέλη), that is, the altar of Dionysus (d), which was of coarse nearer to the stage than to the seats of the spectators, the distance from which was precisely the length of a radius of the circle. In a wider sense the orchestra also comprised the broad passages (πάροδοι, e) on each side, between the projecting wings of the stage and the seats of the spectators, through which the chorus entered the orchestra. The chorus generally arranged itself in the space between the thymele and the stage. The thymele itself was of a square form, and was used for various purposes, according to the nature of the different plays, such as a funeral monument, an altar, &c. It was made of boards, and surrounded on all sides with steps. It thus stood upon a raised platform, which was sometimes occupied by the leader of the chorus, the flute-player, and the rhabdophori. The orchestra as well as the theatrum lay under the open sky; a roof is nowhere mentioned.—3. The stage. Steps led from each side of the orchestra to the stage, and by them the chorus probably ascended the stage whenever it took a real part in the action itself. The back side of the stage was closed by a wall called the scena (σκηνή), from which on each side a wing projected which was called the parascenium (παρασκήνιον). The whole depth of the stage was not very great, as it only comprised a segment of the circle of the orchestra. The whole space from the scena to the orchestra was termed the proscenium (προσκήνιον), and was what we should call the real stage. That part of it which was nearest to the orchestra, and where the actors stood when they spoke, was the logeium (λογείον), also called ocribas (ὀκρίβας), in Latin pulpitum, which was of course raised above the orchestra, and probably on a level with the thymele. The scena was, as we have already stated, the wall which closed the stage (proscenium and logeium) from behind. It represented a suitable background, or the locality in which the action was going on. Before the play began it was covered with a curtain (παραπέτασμα, προσκήνιον, αὐλαίαι), Latin aulaea or siparium. When the play began this curtain was let down, and was rolled up on a roller underneath the stage. The proscenium and logeium were never concealed from the spectators. As regards the scenery represented on the scena, it was different for tragedy, comedy, and the satyric drama, and for each of these kinds of poetry the scenery must have been capable of various modifications, according to the character of each individual play; at least that this was the case with the various tragedies, is evident from the scenes described in the tragedies still extant. In the latter however the back-ground (scena) in most cases represented the front of a palace with a door in the centre (i) which was called the royal door. This palace generally consisted of two stories, and upon its flat roof there appears to have been some elevated place from which persons might observe what was going on at a distance. The palace presented on each side a projecting wing, each of which had its separate entrance. These wings generally represented the habitations of guests and visitors. All the three doors must have been visible to the spectators. The protagonistes always entered the stage through the middle or royal door, the deuteragonistes and tritagonistes through those on the right and left wings. In tragedies like the Prometheus, the Persians, Philoctetes, Oedipus in Colonus, and others, the back-ground did not represent a palace. There are other pieces again in which the scena must have been changed in the course of the performance, as in the Eumenides of Aeschylus and the Ajax of Sophocles. The dramas of Euripides required a great variety of scenery; and if in addition to this we recollect that several pieces were played in one day, it is manifest that the mechanical parts of stage performance, at least in the days of Euripides, must have been brought to great perfection. The scena in the satyric drama appears to have always represented a woody district with hills and grottos; in comedy the scena represented, at least in later times, the fronts of private dwellings or the habitations of slaves. The art of scene-painting must have been applied long before the time of Sophocles, although Aristotle ascribes its introduction to him. The whole of the cavea in the Attic theatre must have contained about 50,000 spectators. The places for generals, the archons, priests, foreign ambassadors, and other distinguished persons, were in the lowest rows of benches, and nearest to the orchestra, and they appear to have been sometimes covered with a sort of canopy. The rows of benches above these were occupied by the senate of 500, those next in succession by the ephebi, and the rest by the people of Athens. But it would seem that they did not sit indiscriminately, but that the better places were let at a higher price than the others, and that no one had a right to take a place for which he had not paid. The usual fee for a place was two obols, which was subsequently given to the poorer classes by a law of Pericles. [[Theorica].] Women were allowed to be present during the performance of tragedies, but not of comedies.—The Romans must have become acquainted with the theatres of the Italian Greeks at an early period, whence they erected their own theatres in similar positions upon the sides of hills. This is still clear from the ruins of very ancient theatres at Tusculum and Faesulae. The Romans themselves, however, did not possess a regular stone theatre until a very late period, and although dramatic representations were very popular in earlier times, it appears that a wooden stage was erected when necessary, and was afterwards pulled down again, and the plays of Plautus and Terence were performed on such temporary scaffoldings. In the mean while, many of the neighbouring towns of Rome had their stone theatres, as the introduction of Greek customs and manners was less strongly opposed in them than in the city of Rome itself. Wooden theatres, adorned with the most profuse magnificence, were erected at Rome even during the last period of the republic. In B.C. 55 Cn. Pompey built the first stone theatre at Rome, near the Campus Martius. It was of great beauty, and is said to have been built after the model of that of Mytilene; it contained 40,000 spectators. The construction of a Roman theatre resembled, on the whole, that of a Greek one. The principal differences are, that the seats of the spectators, which rose in the form of an amphitheatre around the orchestra, did not form more than a semicircle; and that the whole of the orchestra likewise formed only a semicircle, the diameter of which formed the front line of the stage. The Roman orchestra contained no thymele, and was not destined for a chorus, but contained the seats for senators and other distinguished persons, such as foreign ambassadors, which are called primus subselliorum ordo. In B.C. 68 the tribune L. Roscius Otho carried a law which regulated the places in the theatre to be occupied by the different classes of Roman citizens: it enacted that fourteen ordines of benches were to be assigned as seats to the equites. Hence these quatuordecim ordines are sometimes mentioned without any further addition, as the honorary seats of the equites. They were undoubtedly close behind the seats of the senators and magistrates, and thus consisted of the rows of benches immediately behind the orchestra.

Plan of Roman Theatre.

THENSAE or TENSAE, highly ornamented sacred vehicles, which, in the solemn pomp of the Circensian games, conveyed the statues of certain deities with all their decorations to the pulvinaria, and after the sports were over bore them back to their shrines. We are ignorant of their precise form. We know that they were drawn by horses, and escorted (deducere) by the chief senators in robes of state, who, along with pueri patrimi [[Patrimi]], laid hold of the bridles and traces, or perhaps assisted to drag the carriage by means of thongs attached for the purpose (and hence the proposed derivation from tendo). So sacred was this duty considered, that Augustus, when labouring under sickness, deemed it necessary to accompany the tensae in a litter. If one of the horses knocked up, or the driver took the reins in his left hand, it was necessary to recommence the procession, and for one of the attendant boys to let go the thong, or to stumble, was profanation. The only gods distinctly named as carried in tensae are Jupiter and Minerva, though others appear to have had the same honour paid them.

THĔŎPHĂNĬA (θεοφάνια), a festival celebrated at Delphi, on the occasion of which the Delphians filled the huge silver crater which had been presented to the Delphic god by Croesus.

THĔŌRĬA. [[Theori].]

THĔŌRĬCA (θεωρικά). Under this name at Athens were comprised the monies expended on festivals, sacrifices, and public entertainments of various kinds; and also monies distributed among the people in the shape of largesses from the state. There were, according to Xenophon, more festivals at Athens than in all the rest of Greece. At the most important of the public festivals, such as the Dionysia, Panathenaea, Eleusinia, Thargelia, and some others, there were not only sacrifices, but processions, theatrical exhibitions, gymnastic contests, and games, celebrated with great splendour and at a great expense. A portion of the expense was defrayed by the individuals upon whom the burden of the liturgies devolved; but a considerable, and perhaps the larger, part was defrayed by the public treasury. Demosthenes complains, that more money was spent on a single Panathenaic or Dionysiac festival than on any military expedition. The religious embassies to Delos and other places, and especially those to the Olympian, Nemean, Isthmian, and Pythian games, drew largely upon the public exchequer, though a part of the cost fell upon the wealthier citizens who conducted them. The largesses distributed among the people had their origin at an early period, and in a measure apparently harmless, though from a small beginning they afterwards rose to a height most injurious to the commonwealth. The Attic drama used to be performed in a wooden theatre, and the entrance was free to all citizens who chose to go. It was found, however, that the crushing to get in led to much confusion and even danger. On one occasion, about B.C. 500, the wooden scaffolding of the theatre fell down, and caused great alarm. It was then determined that the entrance should no longer be gratuitous. The fee for a place was fixed at two obols, which was paid to the lessee of the theatre, (called θεατρώνης, θεατροπώλης, or ἀρχιτέκτων), who undertook to keep it in repair, and constantly ready for use, on condition of being allowed to receive the profits. This payment continued to be exacted after the stone theatre was built. Pericles, to relieve the poorer classes, passed a law which enabled them to receive the price of admission from the state; after which all those citizens who were too poor to pay for their places applied for the money in the public assembly, which was then frequently held in the theatre. In process of time this donation was extended to other entertainments besides theatrical ones; the sum of two oboli being given to each citizen who attended; if the festival lasted two days, four oboli; and if three, six oboli; but not beyond. Hence all theoric largesses received the name of diobelia (διωβελία). It is calculated that from 25 to 30 talents were spent upon them annually. So large an expenditure of the public funds upon shows and amusements absorbed the resources, which were demanded for services of a more important nature. By the ancient law, the whole surplus of the annual revenue which remained after the expense of the civil administration (τὰ περίοντα χρήματα τῆς διοικήσεως) was to be carried to the military fund, and applied to the defence of the commonwealth. Since the time of Pericles various demagogues had sprung up, who induced the people to divert all that could be spared from the other branches of civil expenditure into the theoric fund, which at length swallowed up the whole surplus, and the supplies needed for the purpose of war or defence were left to depend upon the extraordinary contributions, or property-tax (εἰσφοραί). An attempt was made by the demagogue Eubulus to perpetuate this system. He passed a law, which made it a capital offence to propose that the theoric fund should be applied to military service. The law of Eubulus was a source of great embarrassment to Demosthenes, in the prosecution of his schemes for the national defence; and he seems at last, but not before B.C. 339, to have succeeded in repealing it. In the earlier times there was no person, or board of persons, expressly appointed to manage the theoric fund. The money thus appropriated was disbursed by the Hellenotamiae. After the anarchy, the largess system having been restored by Agyrrhius, a board of managers was appointed. They were elected by show of hands at the period of the great Dionysia, one from each tribe.

THĔŌRI (θεωροί), persons sent on special missions (θεωρίαι) to perform some religious duty, as to consult an oracle, or to offer a sacrifice, on behalf of the state. There were among some of the Dorian states, as the Aeginetans, Troezenians, Messenians, and Mantineans, official priests called Theori, whose duty it was to consult oracles, interpret the responses, &c., as among the Spartans there were men called Pythii, chosen by the kings to consult the oracle at Delphi. At Athens there were no official persons called Theori, but the name was given to those citizens who were appointed from time to time to conduct religious embassies to various places; of which the most important were those that were sent to the Olympian, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games, those that went to consult the God at Delphi, and those that led the solemn procession to Delos, where the Athenians established a quadriennial festival, in revival of the ancient Ionian one, of which Homer speaks. The expense of these embassies was defrayed partly by the state, and partly by wealthy citizens, to whom the management of them was entrusted, called Architheori (ἀρχιθέωροι), chiefs of the embassy. This was a sort of liturgy, and frequently a very costly one; as the chief conductor represented the state, and was expected to appear with a suitable degree of splendour; for instance, to wear a golden crown, to drive into the city with a handsome chariot, retinue, &c. The Salaminian, or Delian, ship was also called θεωρὶς ναῦς, and was principally used for conveying embassies to Delos, though, like the Paralus, it was employed on other expeditions besides.

THERMAE. [[Balneum].]

THĒSAURUS (θησαυρός), a treasure-house. Tradition points to subterranean buildings in Greece, of unknown antiquity and of peculiar formation, as having been erected during the heroic period, for the purpose of preserving precious metals, arms, and other property (κειμήλια). Such are the treasury of Minyas, at Orchomenus, of which some remains still exist, and those of Atreus and his sons at Mycenae, the chief one of which, the so-called Treasury of Atreus, still exists almost in a perfect state. It is, however, very questionable whether these edifices were treasuries at all: some of the best archaeologists maintain that they were tombs. In the historical times, the public treasury was either in a building attached to the agora, or in the opisthodomus of some temple. Respecting the public treasury at Rome, see [Aerarium].

THĒSEIA (θησεῖα), a festival celebrated by the Athenians in honour of their national hero Theseus, whom they believed to have been the author of their democratical form of government. In consequence of this belief donations of bread and meat were given to the poor people at the Theseia, which was thus for them a feast at which they felt no want, and might fancy themselves equal to the wealthiest citizens. The day on which this festival was held was the eighth of every month (ὀγδόαι), but more especially the eighth of Pyanepsion, whence the festival was sometimes called ὀγδόδιον. It is probable that the festival of the Theseia was not instituted till B.C. 469, when Cimon brought the remains of Theseus from Scyrus to Athens.

THESMŎPHŎRĬA (θεσμοφόρια), a great festival and mysteries, celebrated in honour of Demeter in various parts of Greece, and only by women, though some ceremonies were also performed by maidens. It was intended to commemorate the introduction of the laws and regulations of civilised life, which was universally ascribed to Demeter. The Attic thesmophoria probably lasted only three days, and began on the 11th of Pyanepsion, which day was called ἄνοδος or κάθοδος, because the solemnities were opened by the women with a procession from Athens to Eleusis. In this procession they carried on their heads sacred laws (νόμιμοι βίβλοι or θεσμοί), the introduction of which was ascribed to Demeter (Θεσμοφόρος), and other symbols of civilised life. The women spent the night at Eleusis in celebrating the mysteries of the goddess. The second day, called νηστεία, was a day of mourning, during which the women sat on the ground around the statue of Demeter, and took no other food than cakes made of sesame and honey. On this day no meetings either of the senate or the people were held. It was probably in the afternoon of this day that the women held a procession at Athens, in which they walked barefooted behind a waggon, upon which baskets with mystical symbols were conveyed to the thesmophorion. The third day, called καλλιγένεια, from the circumstance that Demeter was invoked under this name, was a day of merriment and raillery among the women themselves, in commemoration of Iambe, who was said to have made the goddess smile during her grief.

THESMŎTHĔTAE. [[Archon].]

THĒTES. [[Census].]

THOLOS (θόλος, also called σκιάς), a name given to any round building which terminated at the top in a point, whatever might be the purpose for which it was used. At Athens the name was in particular applied to the new round prytaneium near the senate-house, which should not be confounded with the old prytaneium at the foot of the acropolis. It was therefore the place in which the prytanes took their common meals and offered their sacrifices. It was adorned with some small silver statues, and near it stood the ten statues of the Attic Eponymi.

THŌRAX. [[Lorica].]

THRĀCES. [[Gladiatores].]

THRANĪTAE. [[Navis].]

THRŎNUS (θρόνος), a throne, is a Greek word, for which the proper Latin term is Solium. This did not differ from a chair (καθέδρα) [[Cathedra]; [Sella]] except in being higher, larger, and in all respects more magnificent. On account of its elevation it was always necessarily accompanied by a foot-stool (subsellium, ὑποπόδιον, θράνιον). The accompanying cut shows two gilded thrones with cushions and drapery, intended to be the thrones of Mars and Venus, which is expressed by the helmet on the one and the dove on the other.

Throni. (From an ancient Painting.)

THỸMĔLĒ. [[Theatrum].]

THỸRSUS (θύρσος), a pole carried by Bacchus, and by Satyrs, Maenades, and others who engaged in Bacchic festivities and rites. [[Dionysia].] It was sometimes terminated by the apple of the pine, or fir-cone, that tree (πεύκη) being dedicated to Bacchus in consequence of the use of the turpentine which flowed from it, and also of its cones, in making wine. The monuments of ancient art, however, most commonly exhibit, instead of the pine-apple, a bunch of vine or ivy-leaves, with grapes or berries, arranged into the form of a cone. The fabulous history of Bacchus relates that he converted the thyrsi carried by himself and his followers into dangerous weapons, by concealing an iron point in the head of the leaves. Hence his thyrsus is called “a spear enveloped in vine-leaves,” and its point was thought to incite to madness.

Tiara. (From a Coin in the British Museum.)

TĬĀRA or TĬĀRAS (τιάρα or τιάρας: Att. κυρβασία), a hat with a large high crown. This was the head-dress which characterised the north-western Asiatics, and more especially the Armenians, Parthians, and Persians, as distinguished from the Greeks and Romans, whose hats fitted the head, or had only a low crown. The king of Persia wore an erect tiara, whilst those of his subjects were soft and flexible, falling on one side. The Persian name for this regal head-dress was cidaris.

Tiara. (From a Coin in the British Museum.)

TĪBĬA (αὐλός), a pipe, the commonest musical instrument of the Greeks and Romans. It was very frequently a hollow cane, perforated with holes in the proper places. In other instances it was made of some kind of wood, especially box, and was bored with a gimblet. When a single pipe was used by itself, the performer upon it, as well as the instrument, was called monaulos. Among the varieties of the single pipe the most remarkable were the bagpipe, the performer on which was called utricularius or ἀσκαύλης; and the ἀυλὸς πλάγιος or πλαγίαυλος, which, as its name implies, had a mouth-piece inserted into it at right angles. Pan was the reputed inventor of this kind of tibia as well as of the fistula or syrinx [[Syrinx]]. But among the Greeks and Romans it was much more usual to play on two pipes at the same time. Hence a performance on this instrument (tibicinium), even when executed by a single person, was called canere or cantare tibiis. This act is exhibited in very numerous works of ancient art, and often in such a way as to make it manifest that the two pipes were perfectly distinct, and not connected, as some have supposed, by a common mouth-piece. The mouth-pieces of the two pipes often passed through a capistrum. Three different kinds of pipes were originally used to produce music in the Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian modes. It appears, also, that to produce the Phrygian mode the pipe had only two holes above, and that it terminated in a horn bending upwards. It thus approached to the nature of a trumpet, and produced slow, grave, and solemn tunes. The Lydian mode was much quicker, and more varied and animating. Horace mentions “Lydian pipes” as a proper accompaniment, when he is celebrating the praise of ancient heroes. The Lydians themselves used this instrument in leading their troops to battle; and the pipes employed for the purpose are distinguished by Herodotus as “male and female,” i.e. probably bass and treble, corresponding to the ordinary sexual difference in the human voice. The corresponding Latin terms are tibia dextra and sinistra: the respective instruments are supposed to have been so called, because the former was more properly held in the right hand and the latter in the left. The “tibia dextra” was used to lead or commence a piece of music, and the “sinistra” followed it as an accompaniment. The comedies of Terence having been accompanied by the pipe, the following notices are prefixed to explain the kind of music appropriate to each: tibiis paribus, i.e. with pipes in the same mode; tib. imparibus, pipes in different modes; tib. duabus dextris, two pipes of low pitch; tib. par. dextris et sinistris, pipes in the same mode, and of both low and high pitch. The use of the pipe among the Greeks and Romans was three-fold, viz. at sacrifices (tibiae sacrificae), entertainments (ludicrae), and funerals. The pipe was not confined anciently, as it is with us, to the male sex, but αὐλητρίδες, or female tibicines were very common.

Woman Playing on two Pipes, Tibiae. (From a Vase in the British Museum.)

TIMĒMA (τίμημα). The penalty imposed in a court of criminal justice at Athens, and also the damages awarded in a civil action, received the name of Τίμημα, because they were estimated or assessed according to the injury which the public or the individual might respectively have sustained. The penalty was either fixed by the judge, or merely declared by him according to some estimate made before the cause came into court. In the first case the trial was called ἀγὼν τιμητὸς, in the second case ἀγὼν ἀτίμητος, a distinction which applies to civil as well as to criminal trials. Where a man sought to recover an estate in land, or a house, or any specific thing, as a ring, a horse, a slave, nothing further was required, than to determine to whom the estate, the house, or the thing demanded, of right belonged. The same would be the case in an action of debt, χρέους δίκη, where a sum certain was demanded. In these and many other similar cases the trial was ἀτίμητος. On the other hand, wherever the damages were in their nature unliquidated, and no provision had been made concerning them either by the law or by the agreement of the parties, they were to be assessed by the dicasts. The following was the course of proceeding in the τιμητοὶ ἀγῶνες. The bill of indictment (ἔγκλημα) was always superscribed with some penalty by the person who preferred it. He was said ἐπιγράφεσθαι τίμημα, and the penalty proposed is called ἐπίγραμμα. If the defendant was found guilty, the prosecutor was called upon to support the allegation in the indictment, and for that purpose to mount the platform and address the dicasts (ἀναβαίνειν εἰς τίμημα). If the accused submitted to the punishment proposed on the other side, there was no further dispute; if he thought it too severe, he made a counter proposition. He was then said ἀντιτιμᾶσθαι, or ἑαυτῷ τιμᾶσθαι. He was allowed to address the court in mitigation of punishment. After both parties had been heard, the dicasts were called upon to give their verdict. Sometimes the law expressly empowered the jury to impose an additional penalty (προστίμημα) besides the ordinary one. Here the proposition emanated from the jury themselves, any one of whom might move that the punishment allowed by the law should be awarded. He was said προστιμᾶσθαι, and the whole dicasts, if (upon a division) they adopted his proposal, were said προστιμᾷν.

TINTINNĀBŬLUM (κώδων), a bell. Bells were of various forms among the Greeks and Romans, as among us.

TĪRO, the name given by the Romans to a newly enlisted soldier, as opposed to veteranus, one who had had experience in war. The mode of levying troops is described under [Exercitus]. The age at which the liability to military service commenced was 17. From their first enrolment the Roman soldiers, when not actually serving against an enemy, were perpetually occupied in military exercises. They were exercised every day, the tirones twice, in the morning and afternoon, and the veterani once. The state of a tiro was called tirocinium; and a soldier who had attained skill in his profession was then said tirocinium ponere, or deponere. In civil life the terms tiro and tirocinium were applied to the assumption of the toga virilis, which was called tirocinium fori [[Toga]], and to the first appearance of an orator at the rostrum, tirocinum eloquentiae.

TĪRŌCĬNĬUM. [[Tiro].]

TĬTĬI SODĀLES, a sodalitas or college of priests at Rome, who represented the second tribe of the Romans, or the Tities, that is, the Sabines, who, after their union with the Ramnes or Latins, continued to perform their own ancient Sabine sacra. To superintend and preserve these, T. Tatius is said to have instituted the Titii sodales. During the time of the republic the Titii sodales are no longer mentioned, as the sacra of the three tribes became gradually united into one common religion. Under the empire we again meet with a college of priests bearing the name of Sodales Titii or Titienses, or Sacerdotes Titiales Flaviales; but they had nothing to do with the sacra of the ancient tribe of the Tities, but were priests instituted to conduct the worship of an emperor, like the Augustales.

TĬTĬES or TĬTĬENSES. [[Patricii].]

Fig. 1.—Form of the Toga spread out.

TŎGA (τήβεννος), a gown, the name of the principal outer garment worn by the Romans, seems to have been received by them from the Etruscans. The toga was the peculiar distinction of the Romans, who were thence called togati or gens togata. It was originally worn only in Rome itself, and the use of it was forbidden alike to exiles and to foreigners. Gradually, however, it went out of common use, and was supplanted by the pallium and lacerna, or else it was worn in public under the lacerna. [[Lacerna].] But it was still used by the upper classes, who regarded it as an honourable distinction, in the courts of justice, by clients when they received the [Sportula], and in the theatre or at the games, at least when the emperor was present. The exact form of the toga, and the manner of wearing it, have occasioned much dispute; but the following account, for which the writer is indebted to his friend Mr. George Scharf, jun., will set these matters in a clearer light than has hitherto been the case. The complete arrangement of this dress may be seen in many antique statues, but especially in that of Didius Julianus, in the Louvre, and a bronze figure of the elder Drusus discovered at Herculaneum. (See figs. 2, 3.)

Fig. 2.—Statue of Didius Julianus. (From the Louvre.)

Fig. 3.—Bronze of the elder Drusus. (From Herculaneum.)

The letters upon particular parts of the illustrations correspond with each other, and refer to the same places upon the general form of the toga given above. The method of adjusting the toga is simply this: the straight edge (a b g d) being kept towards the neck, and the rounded towards the hand, the first part of the toga hangs in front over the left shoulder to the ground (a, fig. 4), so as to cover that entire half of the figure viewed in front. The remainder falling behind is wrapped round the body, being carried under the right arm, and brought upwards, like a belt, across the chest, covering the left arm and shoulder for a second time. It again falls behind, and terminates in the point d (fig. 5), somewhat higher than the front portion (a).

Fig. 4. Fig. 5.
Mode of putting on the Toga.

So far any mantle of sufficient length might be folded, but two distinctive features of Roman dress, the umbo (f) and the sinus (c e), have yet to be considered. The sinus (c e) is that upper hanging portion with the curved edge downwards which shows conspicuously upon the right thigh. When the toga has been brought round to the front of the right leg, it has attained its greatest width (e c e), although on the figure less space is required for it. It is therefore folded over at the top, the upper part falling forward, down almost to the knee. It may be easily raised (see fig. 5) and used as a lap—hence the name sinus—to carry fruits and flowers, so often represented in ancient art. The fold at c thus becomes the upper edge, and forms the balteus, which may be made still more effective by being rolled round and slightly twisted, as in figs. 2 and 5. A variety again was sometimes produced by lifting the hanging edge (e) of this sinus up on to the shoulder, so as to cover the right arm with that alone, and Quintilian hints that it is not ungraceful to throw back the extreme edge of that again, an effect still to be admired in some of the ancient sculptures. Fig. 5 is in the act of raising the edge. The umbo (f), a projecting mass of folds in front of the body, like the boss of a shield, was formed after the rest of the dress had been put on in a very simple manner: a part of the front upright line (a b), almost covered up by the adjustment of the upper shoulder portion (g), was pulled out and made to hang down over the balteus or belt-like part (fig. 6). It is clearly traceable in both statues here given (figs. 2 and 3), and fig. 4 is intended to show the formation of the umbo more clearly by the right hand holding the edge, which falls over the fingers instead of the balteus. In proportion as the umbo (f) projects, so of course the end (a) is raised from the ground. The smaller figures (4 and 5) are both drawn without under-garments in order to avoid confusion. During sacrifice, when necessary to cover the head, the edge (b) nearest the neck was pulled up and made to cover the head, as in fig. 3, where the entire length of the edge, passing from the umbo into the sinus, is very clearly visible. The dress here is very ample, and can spare an extra length, but in the statue of a priest in the Louvre the head is covered at the expense of the umbo, which has entirely disappeared. Fig. 6 is intended to show the interlacing and arrangement of the toga by following the course of the straight edge alone from a to d.

Fig. 6.

In many ancient statues the sleeves and folds of the tunic, being very full, are apt to be confounded with the rest, but in the best style of art this is not the case. Quintilian cautions his orators against these incumbrances. A difference in size and fulness of the toga, modified according to the rank of the wearer, may be detected in coins and sculpture, but in all cases the mode of adjustment appears to be the same.—One mode of wearing the toga was the Cinctus Gabinus. It consisted in forming a part of the toga itself into a girdle, by drawing its outer edge round the body and tying it in a knot in front, and at the same time covering the head with another portion of the garment. It was worn by persons offering sacrifices, by the consul when he declared war, and by devoted persons, as in the case of Decius. Its origin was Etruscan, as its name implies. Persons wearing this dress were said to be procincti (or incincti) cinctu (or ritu) Gabino.—The colour of the toga worn by men (toga virilis) was generally white, that is, the natural colour of white wool. Hence it was called pura or vestimentum purum, in opposition to the praetexta mentioned below. A brighter white was given to the toga of candidates for offices (candidati from their toga candida) by rubbing it with chalk. There is an allusion to this custom in the phrase cretata ambitio. White togas are often mentioned as worn at festivals, which does not imply that they were not worn commonly, but that new or fresh-cleaned togas were first put on at festivals. The toga was kept white and clean by the fuller. When this was neglected, the toga was called sordida, and those who wore such garments sordidati. This dress (with disarranged hair and other marks of disorder about the person) was worn by accused persons, as in the case of Cicero. The toga pulla, which was of the natural colour of black wool, was worn in private mourning, and sometimes also by artificers and others of the lower orders.—The toga picta, which was ornamented with Phrygian embroidery, was worn by generals in triumphs [[Triumphus]], and under the emperors by the consuls, and by the praetors when they celebrated the games. It was also called Capitolina. The toga palmata was a kind of toga picta.—The toga praetexta had a broad purple border. It was worn with the [Bulla], by children of both sexes. It was also worn by magistrates, both those of Rome, and those of the colonies and municipia; by the sacerdotes, and by persons engaged in sacred rites or paying vows. Among those who possessed the jus togae praetextae habendae, the following may be more particularly mentioned: the dictator, the consuls, the praetors (who laid aside the praetexta when about to condemn a Roman citizen to death), the augurs (who, however, are supposed by some to have worn the trabea), the decemviri sacris faciundis, the aediles, the triumviri epulones, the senators on festival days, the magistri collegii, and the magistri vicorum when celebrating games. In the case of the tribuni plebis, censors, and quaestors, there is some doubt upon the subject. The toga praetexta is said to have been derived from the Etruscans, and to have been first adopted, with the latus clavus [[Clavus Latus]], by Tullus Hostilius as the royal robe, whence its use by the magistrates in the republic. The toga praetexta and the bulla aurea were first given to boys in the case of the son of Tarquinius Priscus, who, at the age of fourteen, in the Sabine war, slew an enemy with his own hand. Respecting the leaving off of the toga praetexta, and the assumption of the toga virilis, see [Impubes] and [Clavus Latus]. The occasion was celebrated with great rejoicings by the friends of the youth, who attended him in a solemn procession to the Forum and Capitol. This assumption of the toga virilis was called tirocinium fori, as being the young man’s introduction to public life. Girls wore the praetexta till their marriage.—The trabea was a toga ornamented with purple horizontal stripes. There were three kinds of trabeae; one wholly of purple, which was sacred to the gods, another of purple and white, and another of purple and saffron, which belonged to augurs. The purple and white trabea was a royal robe, and is assigned to the Latin and early Roman kings, especially to Romulus. It was worn by the consuls in public solemnities, such as opening the temple of Janus. The equites wore it at the transvectio, and in other public solemnities. Hence the trabea is mentioned as the badge of the equestrian order. Lastly, the toga worn by the Roman emperors was wholly of purple. It appears to have been first assumed by Julius Caesar.—The material of which the toga was commonly made was wool. It was sometimes thick and sometimes thin. The former was the toga densa, pinguis, or hirta. A new toga, with the nap neither worn off nor cut close, was called pexa, to which is opposed the trita or rasa, which was used as a summer dress. The toga was originally worn by both sexes; but when the stola came to be worn by matrons, the toga was only worn by the meretrices, and by women who had been divorced on account of adultery. [[Stola].] In war the toga was laid aside, and replaced by the [Paludamentum] and [Sagum]. Hence togatus is opposed to miles.

TONSOR. [[Barba].]

TORCŬLAR, TORCŬLUM. [[Vinum].]

TORMENTUM (ἀφετήρια ὄργανα), a military engine, so called from the twisting (torquendo) of hairs, thongs, and vegetable fibres. The principal military engines were the balista and catapulta. The balista (πετροβόλος) was used to shoot stones; the catapulta (καταπέλτης, καταπελτική) to project darts, especially the falarica [[Hasta]], and a kind of missile, 4½ feet long, called trifax. Whilst in besieging a city the ram [[Aries]] was employed in destroying the lower part of the wall, the balista was used to overthrow the battlements (propugnacula, ἐπαλξεῖς), and the catapult to shoot any of the besieged who appeared between them: the forms of these machines being adapted to the objects which they were intended to throw; the catapult was long, the balista nearly square. Instances are recorded in which the balista threw stones to the distance of a quarter of a mile. Some balistae threw stones weighing three hundredweight. Of the scorpio or onager, which was also a species of tormentum, we know next to nothing.

TORMENTUM (βάσανος), torture. (1) Greek.—By a decree of Scamandrius it was ordained that no free Athenian could be put to the torture, and this appears to have been the general practice. The evidence of slaves was, however, always taken with torture, and their testimony was not otherwise received. From this circumstance their testimony appears to have been considered of more value than that of freemen. Any person might offer his own slave to be examined by torture, or demand that of his adversary, and the offer or demand was equally called πρόκλησις εἰς βάσανον. The parties interested either superintended the torture themselves, or chose certain persons for this purpose, hence called βασανισταὶ, who took the evidence of the slaves. (2) Roman.—During the time of the republic freemen were never put to the torture, and slaves only were exposed to this punishment. Slaves, moreover, could not be tortured to prove the guilt of their own master, except in the case of incestus, which was a crime against the gods, or unless the senate made an exception in some special instance. At a later time slaves might be tortured to bear witness against their masters in cases of majestas and adultery. Under the emperors even free persons were put to the torture to extract evidence from them in cases of majestas; and although this indignity was confined for the most part to persons in humble circumstances, we read of cases in which even Roman senators and equites were exposed to it.

TORQUES or TORQUIS (στρεπτός), an ornament of gold, twisted spirally and bent into a circular form, which was worn round the neck by men of distinction among the Persians, the Gauls, and other Asiatic and northern nations. It was by taking a collar from a Gallic warrior that T. Manlius obtained the cognomen of Torquatus. Such collars were among the rewards of valour bestowed after an engagement upon those who had most distinguished themselves.

TŎRUS, a bed covered with sheets or blankets, called Toralia.

TRĂBEA. [[Toga].]

TRĂGOEDIA (τραγῳδία), tragedy. (1) Greek. The tragedy of the ancient Greeks as well as their comedy confessedly originated in the worship of the god Dionysus. The peculiarity which most strikingly distinguishes the Greek tragedy from that of modern times, is the lyrical or choral part. This was the offspring of the dithyrambic and choral odes from which, as applied to the worship of Dionysus, Greek tragedy took its rise. The name of Tragedy (τραγῳδία) is probably derived from the goatlike appearance of the Satyrs who sang or acted with mimetic gesticulations (ὄρχησις) the old Bacchic songs, with Silenus, the constant companion of Dionysus, for their leader. The Dionysian dithyrambs were sometimes of a gay and at other times of a mournful character: it was from the latter that the stately and solemn tragedy of the Greeks arose. Great improvements were introduced in the dithyramb by Arion, a contemporary of Periander. Before his time the dithyramb was sung in a wild and irregular manner; but he is said to have invented the Cyclic chorus, by which we are to understand that the Dithyramb was danced by a chorus of fifty men round an altar. The choral Dithyrambic songs prevailed to some extent, as all choral poetry did, amongst the Dorians of the Peloponnesus; whence the choral element of the Attic tragedy was always written in the Dorian dialect, thus showing its origin. The lyrical poetry was, however, especially popular at Sicyon and Corinth. In the latter city Arion made his improvements; in the former “tragic choruses,” i.e. dithyrambs of a sad and plaintive character, were very ancient. From the more solemn Dithyrambs then, as improved by Arion, ultimately sprang the dramatic tragedy of Athens, somewhat in the following manner. The choruses were under the direction of a leader or exarchus, who, it may be supposed, came forward separately, and whose part was sometimes taken by the poet himself. We may also conjecture that the exarchus in each case led off by singing or reciting his part in a solo, and that the chorus dancing round the altar then expressed their feelings of joy or sorrow at his story, representing the perils and sufferings of Dionysus, or some hero, as it might be. The subjects of this Dithyrambic tragedy were not, however, always confined to Dionysus. Even Arion wrote Dithyrambs, relating to different heroes, a practice in which he was followed by succeeding poets. It is easy to conceive how the introduction of an actor or speaker independent of the chorus might have been suggested by the exarchs coming forward separately and making short off-hand speeches, whether learnt by heart beforehand, or made on the spur of the moment. [[Chorus].] But it is also possible, if not probable, that it was suggested by the rhapsodical recitations of the epic and gnomic poets formerly prevalent in Greece: the gnomic poetry being generally written in Iambic verse, the metre of the Attic dialogue. This however is certain, that the union of the Iambic dialogue with the lyrical chorus took place at Athens under Pisistratus, and that it was attributed to Thespis, a native of Icaria, one of the country demes or parishes of Attica where the worship of Dionysus had long prevailed. The alteration made by him, and which gave to the old tragedy a new and dramatic character, was very simple but very important. He introduced an actor, as it is recorded, for the sake of giving rest to the chorus, and independent of it, in which capacity he probably appeared himself, taking various parts in the same piece, under various disguises, which he was enabled to assume by means of linen masks, the invention of which is attributed to him. Now as a chorus, by means of its leader, could maintain a dialogue with the actor, it is easy to see how with one actor only a dramatic action might be introduced, continued, and concluded, by the speeches between the choral songs expressive of the joy or sorrow of the chorus at the various events of the drama. With respect to the character of the drama of Thespis there has been much doubt: some writers, and especially Bentley, have maintained that his plays were all satyrical and ludicrous, i.e. the plot of them was some story of Bacchus, the chorus consisted principally of satyrs, and the argument was merry. But perhaps the truth is that in the early part of his career Thespis retained the satyrical character of the older tragedy, but afterwards inclined to more serious compositions, which would almost oblige him to discard the Satyrs from his choruses. That he did write serious dramas is intimated by the titles of the plays ascribed to him, as well as by the character of the fragments of Iambic verse quoted by ancient writers as his. It is evident that the introduction of the dialogue must also have caused an alteration in the arrangement of the chorus, which could not remain cyclic or circular, but must have been drawn up in a rectangular form about the thymele or altar of Bacchus in front of the actor, who was elevated on a platform or table (ἐλεός), the forerunner of the stage. The lines of Horace (Ar. Poet. 276):—

“Dicitur et plaustris vexisse poemata Thespis,

Quae canerent agerentque peruncti faecibus ora”—

are founded on a misconception of the origin of the Attic tragedy, and the tale about the waggons of Thespis probably arose out of a confusion of the waggon of the comedian Susarion with the platform of the Thespian actor. The first representation of Thespis was in B.C. 535. His immediate successors were the Athenian Choerilus and Phrynichus, the former of whom represented plays as early as B.C. 524. Phrynichus was a pupil of Thespis, and gained his first victory in the dramatic contests B.C. 511. In his works, the lyric or choral element still predominated over the dramatic, and he was distinguished for the sweetness of his melodies, which in the time of the Peloponnesian war were very popular with the admirers of the old style of music. The first use of female masks is also attributed to him, and he so far deviated from the general practice of the Attic tragedians as to write a drama on a subject of contemporary history, the capture of Miletus by the Persians, B.C. 494.—We now come to the first writer of Satyrical dramas, Pratinas of Phlius, a town not far from Sicyon, and which laid claim to the invention of tragedy as well as comedy. For some time previously to this poet, and probably as early as Thespis, tragedy had been gradually departing more and more from its old characteristics, and inclining to heroic fables, to which the chorus of Satyrs was not a fit accompaniment. But the fun and merriment caused by them were too good to be lost. Accordingly the Satyrical drama, distinct from the recent and dramatic tragedy, but suggested by the sportive element of the old Dithyramb, was founded by Pratinas, who however appears to have been surpassed in his own invention by Choerilus. It was always written by tragedians, and generally three tragedies and one Satyrical piece were represented together, which in some instances at least formed a connected whole, called a tetralogy (τετραλογία). The Satyrical piece was acted last, so that the minds of the spectators were agreeably relieved by a merry after-piece at the close of an earnest and engrossing tragedy. The distinguishing feature of this drama was the chorus of Satyrs, in appropriate dresses and masks, and its subjects seem to have been taken from the same class of the adventures of Bacchus and of the heroes as those of tragedy; but of course they were so treated and selected, that the presence of rustic satyrs would seem appropriate. In their jokes and drollery consisted the merriment of the piece; for the kings and heroes who were introduced into their company were not of necessity thereby divested of their epic and legendary character, though they were obliged to conform to their situation and suffer some diminution of dignity, from their position. Hence Horace (Ar. Poet. 231) says:—

“Effutire leves indigna Tragoedia versus

Intererit Satyris paulum pudibunda protervis.”—

alluding in the first line to the mythic or epic element of the Satyric drama, which he calls Tragoedia, and in the second representing it as being rather ashamed of its company. The “Cyclops” of Euripides is the only Satyric drama now extant.—The great improvements in tragedy were introduced by Aeschylus. This poet added a second actor, diminished the parts of the chorus, and made the dialogue the principal part of the action. He also availed himself of the aid of Agatharchus, the scene-painter, and improved the costume of his actors by giving them thick-soled boots (ἐμβάται), as well as the masks, which he made more expressive and characteristic. Horace (Ar. Poet. 278) thus alludes to his improvements:—

“personae pallaeque repertor honestae

Aeschylus, et modicis instravit pulpita tignis

Et docuit magnumque loqui, nitique cothurno.”—

The custom of contending with trilogies (τριλογίαι), or with three plays at a time, is said to have been also introduced by him. In fact he did so much for tragedy, and so completely built it up to its “towering height,” that he was considered the father of it. The subjects of his dramas were not connected with the worship of Dionysus; but rather with the great cycle of Hellenic legends and some of the myths of the Homeric Epos. Accordingly, he said of himself that his dramas were but scraps and fragments from the great feasts of Homer. In the latter part of his life Aeschylus made use of one of the improvements of Sophocles, namely the τριταγωνιστής, or third actor. This was the finishing stroke to the dramatic element of Attic tragedy, which Sophocles is said to have matured by further improvements in costume and scene-painting. Under him tragedy appears with less of sublimity and sternness than in the hands of Aeschylus, but with more of calm grandeur and quiet dignity and touching incident. The plays of Sophocles are the perfection of the Grecian tragic drama, as a work of art and poetic composition in a thoroughly chastened and classic style. In the hands of Euripides tragedy deteriorated not only in dignity, but also in its moral and religious significance. He introduces his heroes in rags and tatters, and busies them with petty affairs, and makes them speak the language of every-day life. As Sophocles said of him, he represented men not as they ought to be, but as they are, without any ideal greatness or poetic character. His dialogues too were little else than the rhetorical and forensic language of his day cleverly put into verse: full of sophistry and quibbling distinctions. One of the peculiarities of his tragedies was the πρόλογος, an introductory monologue, with which some hero or god opens the play, telling who he is, what is the state of affairs, and what has happened up to the time of his address, so as to put the audience in possession of every fact which it might be necessary for them to know: a very business-like proceeding no doubt, but a poor make-shift for artistical skill. The “Deus ex machina,” also, though not always, in a “nodus, tali vindice dignus,” was frequently employed by Euripides to effect the dénoûment of his pieces. The chorus too no longer discharged its proper and high functions either as a representative of the feelings of unprejudiced observers, or, as one of the actors, and a part of the whole, joining in the development of the piece. Many of his choral odes in fact are but remotely connected in subject with the action of the play. Another novelty of Euripides was the use of the monodies or lyrical songs, in which not the chorus, but the principal persons of the drama, declare their emotions and sufferings. Euripides was also the inventor of tragi-comedy. A specimen of the Euripidean tragi-comedy is still extant in the Alcestis, acted B.C. 438, as the last of four pieces, and therefore as a substitute for a Satyrical drama. Though tragic in its form and some of its scenes, it has a mixture of comic and satyric characters (e.g. Hercules) and concludes happily.—The parts which constitute a Greek tragedy, as to its form, are, the prologue, episode, exode, and choral songs; the last divided into the parode and stasimon. The πρόλογος is all that part of a tragedy which precedes the parodos of the chorus, i.e. the first act. The ἐπεισόδιον is all the part between whole choral odes. The ἔξοδος that part which has no choral ode after it. Of the choral part the πάροδος is the first speech of the whole chorus (not broken up into parts): the stasimon is without anapaests and trochees. These two divisions were sung by all the choreutae, but the “songs on the stage” and the κόμμοι by a part only. The commus, which properly means a wailing for the dead, was generally used to express strong excitement, or lively sympathy with grief and suffering, especially by Aeschylus. It was common to the actors and a portion only of the chorus. Again the πάροδος was so named as being the passage-song of the chorus sung while it was advancing to its proper place in the orchestra, and therefore in anapaestic or marching verse: the στάσιμον, as being chaunted by the chorus when standing still in its proper position.—The materials of Greek tragedy were the national mythology,

“Presenting Thebes, or Pelop’s line,

Or the tale of Troy divine.”

The exceptions to this were the two historical tragedies, the “Capture of Miletus” by Phrynichus, and the “Persians” of Aeschylus; but they belong to an early period of the art. Hence the plot and story of the Grecian tragedy were of necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which strongly distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modern.—The functions of the Chorus in Greek Tragedy were very important, as described by Horace (Ar. Poet. 193),

“Actoris partes chorus officiumque virile

Defendat: neu quid medios intercinat actus,

Quod non proposito conducat, et haereat apte,” &c.

It often expresses the reflections of a dispassionate and right-minded spectator, and inculcates the lessons of morality and resignation to the will of heaven, taught by the occurrence of the piece in which it is engaged. With respect to the number of the chorus see [Chorus].—(2) Roman. The tragedy of the Romans was borrowed from the Greek, but the construction of the Roman theatre afforded no appropriate place for the chorus, which was therefore obliged to appear on the stage, instead of in the orchestra. The first tragic poet and actor at Rome was Livius Andronicus, a Greek by birth, who began to exhibit in B.C. 240. In his monodies (or the lyrical parts sung, not by a chorus, but by one person), it was customary to separate the singing from the mimetic dancing, leaving the latter only to the actor, while the singing was performed by a boy placed near the flute-player (ante tibicinem); so that the dialogue only (diverbia) was left to be spoken by the actors. Livius Andronicus was followed by Naevius, Ennius, Pacuvius, and Attius. These five poets belong to the earlier epoch of Roman tragedy, in which little was written but translations and imitations of the Greek, with occasional insertions of original matter. How they imitated the structure of the choral odes is doubtful—perhaps they never attempted it. In the age of Augustus the writing of tragedies, whether original or imitations, seems to have been quite a fashionable occupation. The emperor himself attempted an Ajax, but did not succeed. One of the principal tragedians of this epoch was Asinius Pollio, to whom the line (Virg. Eclog. viii. 10) applies—

“Sola Sophocleo tua carmina digna cothurno.”

Ovid wrote a tragedy on the subject of Medea. Quintilian says of Varius, who was distinguished in epic as well as tragic poetry, that his Thyestes might be compared with any of the Greek tragedies. Some fragments of this Thyestes are extant, but we have no other remains of the tragedy of the Augustan age. The loss perhaps is not great. The only complete Roman tragedies that have come down to us are the ten attributed to the philosopher Seneca; but whether he wrote any of them or not is a disputed point. To whatever age they belong, they are beyond description bombastic and frigid, utterly unnatural in character and action, full of the most revolting violations of propriety, and barren of all theatrical effect. Still they have had admirers: Heinsius calls the Hippolytus “divine,” and prefers the Troades to the Hecuba of Euripides: even Racine has borrowed from the Hippolytus in Phèdre. Roman tragedians sometimes wrote tragedies on subjects taken from their national history. Pacuvius, e.g. wrote a Paulus, L. Accius a Brutus and a Decius. Curiatius Maternus, also a distinguished orator in the reign of Domitian, wrote a Domitius and a Cato, the latter of which gave offence to the rulers of the state.

TRĀGŬLA. [[Hasta].]

TRANSTRA. [[Navis].]

TRANSVECTĬO ĔQUĬTUM. [[Equites], [p. 157].]

TRIĀRĬI. [[Exercitus].]

TRĪBŬLA or TRĪBŬLUM (τριβόλος), a corn-drag, consisting of a thick and ponderous wooden board, which was armed underneath with pieces of iron or sharp flints, and drawn over the corn by a yoke of oxen, either the driver or a heavy weight being placed upon it, for the purpose of separating the grain and cutting the straw.

TRĬBŬLUS (τρίβολος), a caltrop, also called murex. When a place was beset with troops, the one party endeavoured to impede the cavalry of the other party, either by throwing before them caltrops, which necessarily lay with one of their four sharp points turned upwards, or by burying the caltrops with one point at the surface of the ground.

TRĬBŪNAL, a raised platform, on which the praetor and judices sat in the Basilica. [[Basilica].] There was a tribunal in the camp, which was generally formed of turf, but sometimes, in a stationary camp, of stone, from which the general addressed the soldiers, and where the consul and tribunes of the soldiers administered justice. When the general addressed the army from the tribunal the standards were planted in front of it, and the army placed round it in order. The address itself was called Allocutio.

TRĬBŪNUS, a tribune. This word seems originally to have indicated an officer connected with a tribe (tribus), or who represented a tribe for certain purposes; and this is indeed the character of the officers who were designated by it in the earliest times of Rome, and may be traced also in the later officers of this name.—(1) Tribunes of the three ancient tribes.—At the time when all the Roman citizens were contained in the three tribes of the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, each of them was headed by a tribune, and these three tribunes represented their respective tribes in all civil, religious, and military affairs; that is to say, they were in the city the magistrates of the tribes, and performed the sacra on their behalf, and in times of war they were their military commanders. The tribunus celerum was the commander of the celeres, the king’s body-guard, and not the tribune of the tribe of the Ramnes, as is supposed by some modern writers. In what manner the tribunus celerum was appointed is uncertain, but it is probable that he was elected by the tribes; for we find that when the imperium was to be conferred upon the king, the comitia were held under the presidency of the tribunus celerum; and in the absence of the king, to whom this officer was next in rank, he convoked the comitia: it was in an assembly of this kind that Brutus proposed to deprive Tarquinius of the imperium. A law passed under the presidency of the tribunus celerum was called a lex tribunicia, to distinguish it from one passed under the presidency of the king. The tribunes of the three ancient tribes ceased to be appointed when these tribes themselves ceased to exist as political bodies, and when the patricians became incorporated in the local tribes of Servius Tullius. [[Tribus].]—(2) Tribunes of the Servian tribes (φύλαρχοι, τριττυάρχοι).—When Servius Tullius divided the commonalty into thirty local tribes, we again find a tribune at the head of these tribes. The duties of these tribunes, who were without doubt the most distinguished persons in their respective districts, appear to have consisted at first in keeping a register of the inhabitants in each district, and of their property, for purposes of taxation, and for levying the troops for the armies. When subsequently the Roman people became exempted from taxes, the main part of their business was taken from them, but they still continued to exist. The tribuni aerarii, who occur down to the end of the republic, were perhaps only the successors of the tribunes of the tribes. When (B.C. 406) the custom of giving pay (stipendium) to the soldiers was introduced, each of the tribuni aerarii had to collect the tributum in his own tribe, and with it to pay the soldiers; and in case they did not fulfil this duty, the soldiers had the right of pignoris capio against them. In later times their duties appear to have been confined to collecting the tributum, which they made over to the military quaestors who paid the soldiers. [[Quaestor].] The Lex Aurelia, B.C. 70, called the tribuni aerarii to the exercise of judicial functions, along with the senators and equites, as these tribunes represented the body of the most respectable citizens. But of this distinction they were subsequently deprived by Julius Caesar.—(3) Tribuni Plebis (δήμαρχοι, the office δημαρχία).—The ancient tribunes of the plebeian tribes had undoubtedly the right of convoking the meetings of their tribes, and of maintaining the privileges granted to them by king Servius, and subsequently by the Valerian laws. But this protection was very inadequate against the insatiable ambition and usurpations of the patricians. When the plebeians, impoverished by long wars, and cruelly oppressed by the patricians, at last seceded in B.C. 494 to the Mons Sacer, the patricians were obliged to grant to the plebeians the right of appointing tribunes (tribuni plebis) with more efficient powers to protect their own order than those which were possessed by the heads of the tribes. The purpose for which they were appointed was only to afford protection against any abuse on the part of the patrician magistrates; and that they might be able to afford such protection their persons were declared sacred and inviolable, and it was agreed that whoever invaded this inviolability should be an outlaw, and that his property should be forfeited to the temple of Ceres. A subsequent law enacted that no one should oppose or interrupt a tribune while addressing the people, and that whoever should act contrary to this ordinance should give bail to the tribunes for the payment of whatever fine they should affix to his offence in arraigning him before the commonalty; if he refused to give bail, his life and property were forfeited. The tribunes were thus enabled to afford protection to any one who appealed to the assembly of the commonalty or required any other assistance. They were essentially the representatives and the organs of the plebeian order, and their sphere of action was the comitia tributa. With the patricians and their comitia they had nothing to do. The tribunes themselves, however, were not judges, and could inflict no punishments, but could only propose the imposition of a fine to the commonalty (multam irrogare). The tribunes were thus in their origin only a protecting magistracy of the plebs, but in the course of time their power increased to such a degree that it surpassed that of all other magistrates, and the tribunes then became a magistracy for the whole Roman people, in opposition to the senate and the oligarchical party in general, although they had nothing to do with the administration or the government. During the latter period of the republic they became true tyrants, and may be compared to the national convention of France during the first revolution. At first the number of the tribunes was only two, but soon afterwards they were increased to five, one being taken from each of the five classes, and subsequently to ten, two being taken from each of the five classes. This last number appears to have remained unaltered down to the end of the empire. The tribunes entered upon their office on the 10th of December, but were elected, at least in the time of Cicero, on the 17th of July. It is almost superfluous to state that none but plebeians were eligible to the office of tribune; hence when, towards the end of the republic, patricians wished to obtain the office, they were obliged first to renounce their own order and to become plebeians; hence also under the empire it was thought that the princeps should not be tribune because he was a patrician. But the influence which belonged to this office was too great for the emperors not to covet it. Hence Augustus was made tribune for life. During the republic, however, the old regulation remained in force, even after the tribunes had ceased to be the protectors of the plebs alone. There is only one instance recorded in which patricians were elected to the tribuneship, and this was probably the consequence of an attempt to divide the tribuneship between the two orders. Although nothing appears to be more natural than that the tribunes should originally have been elected by that body of Roman citizens which they represented, yet the subject is involved in considerable obscurity. Some writers state that they were elected by the comitia of the curies; others suppose that they were elected in the comitia of the centuries; but whether they were elected in the latter or in the comitia of the tribes, it is certain that at first the sanction of the curies to the election was at all events necessary. But after the time of the Lex Publilia (B.C. 472) the sanction of the curies is not heard of, and the election of the tribunes was left entirely to the comitia tributa, which were convoked and held for this purpose by the old tribunes previous to the expiration of their office. One of the old tribunes was appointed by lot to preside at the election. As the meeting could not be prolonged after sunset, and the business was to be completed in one day, it sometimes happened that it was obliged to break up before the election was completed, and then those who were elected filled up the legitimate number of the college by cooptatio. But in order to prevent this irregularity, the tribune L. Trebonius, in 448 B.C., got an ordinance passed, according to which the college of the tribunes should never be completed by cooptatio, but the elections should be continued on the second day, if they were not completed on the first, till the number ten was made up. The place where the election of the tribunes was held was originally and lawfully the Forum, afterwards also the Campus Martius, and sometimes the area of the Capitol.—We now proceed to trace the gradual growth of the tribunitian power. Although its original character was merely protection (auxilium or βοήθεια) against patrician magistrates, the plebeians appear early to have regarded their tribunes also as mediators or arbitrators in matters among themselves. The whole power possessed by the college of tribunes was designated by the name tribunicia potestas, and extended at no time farther than one mile beyond the gates of the city; at a greater distance than this they came under the imperium of the magistrates, like every other citizen. As they were the public guardians, it was necessary that every one should have access to them and at any time; hence the doors of their houses were open day and night for all who were in need of help and protection, which they were empowered to afford against any one, even against the highest magistrates. For the same reason a tribune was not allowed to be absent from the city for a whole day, except during the Feriae Latinae, when the whole people were assembled on the Alban Mount. In B.C. 456 the tribunes, in opposition to the consuls, assumed the right of convoking the senate, in order to lay before it a rogation, and discuss the same; for until that time the consuls alone had had the right of laying plebiscita before the senate for approbation. Some years after, B.C. 452, the tribunes demanded of the consuls to request the senate to make a senatusconsultum for the appointment of persons to frame a new legislation; and during the discussions on this subject the tribunes themselves were present in the senate. The written legislation which the tribunes then wished can only have related to their own order; but as such a legislation would only have widened the breach between the two orders, they afterwards gave way to the remonstrances of the patricians, and the new legislation was to embrace both orders. From the second decemvirate the tribuneship was suspended, but was restored after the legislation was completed, and now assumed a different character from the change that had taken place in the tribes. [[Tribus].] The tribunes now had the right to be present at the deliberations of the senate; but they did not sit among the senators themselves, but upon benches before the opened doors of the senate house. The inviolability of the tribunes, which had before only rested upon a contract between the two estates, was now sanctioned and confirmed by a law of M. Horatius. As the tribes now also included the patricians and their clients, the tribunes might naturally be asked to interpose on behalf of any citizen, whether patrician or plebeian. Hence the patrician ex-decemvir, Appius Claudius, implored the protection of the tribunes. About this time the tribunes also acquired the right of taking the auspices in the assemblies of the tribes. They also assumed again the right, which they had exercised before the time of the decemvirate, of bringing patricians who had violated the rights of the plebeians before the comitia of the tribes. By the Lex Valeria passed in the Comitia Centuriata (B.C. 449), it was enacted that a plebiscitum, which had been voted by the tribes, should bind the patricians as well. While the college thus gained outwardly new strength every day, a change took place in its internal organisation, which to some extent paralysed its powers. Before B.C. 394, every thing had been decided in the college by a majority; but about this time, we do not know how, a change was introduced, which made the opposition (intercessio) of one tribune sufficient to render a resolution of his colleagues void. This new regulation does not appear in operation till 394 and 393 B.C.; the old one was still applied in B.C. 421 and 415. From their right of appearing in the senate, and of taking part in its discussions, and from their being the representatives of the whole people, they gradually obtained the right of intercession against any action which a magistrate might undertake during the time of his office, and this even without giving any reason for it. Thus we find a tribune preventing a consul from convoking the senate, and preventing the proposal of new laws or elections in the comitia; they interceded against the official functions of the censors; and even against a command issued by the praetor. In the same manner a tribune might place his veto upon an ordinance of the senate; and he could thus either compel the senate to submit the subject to a fresh consideration, or could raise the session. In order to propose a measure to the senate they might themselves convene a meeting, or when it had been convened by a consul they might make their proposal even in opposition to the consul, a right which no other magistrates had in the presence of the consuls. The senate, on the other hand, had itself, in certain cases, recourse to the tribunes. Thus, in B.C. 431 it requested the tribunes to compel the consuls to appoint a dictator, in compliance with a decree of the senate, and the tribunes compelled the consuls, by threatening them with imprisonment, to appoint A. Postumius Tubertus dictator. From this time forward we meet with several instances in which the tribunes compelled the consuls to comply with the decrees of the senate, si non essent in auctoritate senatus, and to execute its commands. In their relation to the senate a change was introduced by the Plebiscitum Atinium, which ordained that a tribune, by virtue of his office, should be a senator. When this plebiscitum was made is uncertain; but we know that in B.C. 170 it was not yet in operation. It probably originated with C. Atinius, who was tribune in B.C. 132. But as the quaestorship, at least in later times, was the office which persons held previously to the tribuneship, and as the quaestorship itself conferred upon a person the right of a senator, the law of Atinius was in most cases superfluous.—In their relation to other magistrates we may observe, that the right of intercessio was not confined to stopping a magistrate in his proceedings, but they might even command their viatores to seize a consul or a censor, to imprison him, or to throw him from the Tarpeian rock. When the tribunes brought an accusation against any one before the people, they had the right of prehensio, but not the right of vocatio, that is, they might command a person to be dragged by their viatores before the comitia, but they could not summon him. They might, as in earlier times, propose a fine to be inflicted upon the person accused before the comitia, but in some cases they dropped this proposal and treated the case as a capital one. The college of tribunes had also the power of making edicts. In cases in which one member of the college opposed a resolution of his colleagues nothing could be done, and the measure was dropped; but this useful check was removed by the example of Tiberius Gracchus, in which a precedent was given for proposing to the people that a tribune obstinately persisting in his veto should be deprived of his office. From the time of the Hortensian law the power of the tribunes had been gradually rising to such a height that at length it was superior to every other in the state. They had acquired the right of proposing to the comitia tributa or the senate measures on nearly all the important affairs of the state, and it would be endless to enumerate the cases in which their power was manifested. Their proposals were indeed usually made ex auctoritate senatus, or had been communicated to and approved by it; but cases in which the people itself had a direct interest, such as a general legal regulation, granting of the franchise, a change in the duties and powers of a magistrate, and others, might be brought before the people, without their having been previously communicated to the senate, though there are also instances of the contrary. Subjects belonging to the administration could not be brought before the tribes without the tribunes having previously received through the consuls the auctoritas of the senate. This, however, was done very frequently, and hence we have mention of a number of plebiscita on matters of administration. It sometimes even occurs that the tribunes brought the question concerning the conclusion of peace before the tribes, and then compelled the senate to ratify the resolution, as expressing the wish of the whole people. Sulla, in his reform of the constitution on the early aristocratic principles, left to the tribunes only the jus auxiliandi, and deprived them of the right of making legislative or other proposals, either to the senate or the comitia, without having previously obtained the sanction of the senate. But this arrangement did not last, for Pompey restored to them their former rights. During the latter period of the republic, when the office of quaestor was in most cases held immediately before that of tribune, the tribunes were generally elected from among the senators, and this continued to be the case under the empire. Sometimes, however, equites also obtained the office, and thereby became members of the senate, where they were considered of equal rank with the quaestors. Tribunes of the people continued to exist down to the fifth century of our era, though their powers became naturally much limited, especially in the reign of Nero. They continued however to have the right of intercession against decrees of the senate, and on behalf of injured individuals.—(4) Tribuni militum cum consulari potestate. When in B.C. 445 the tribune C. Canuleius brought forward the rogation that the consulship should not be confined to either order, the patricians evaded the attempt by a change in the constitution; the powers which had hitherto been united in the consulship were now divided between two new magistrates, viz. the Tribuni militum cum consulari potestate and the censors. Consequently, in B.C. 444, three military tribunes, with consular power, were appointed, and to this office the plebeians were to be equally eligible with the patricians. For the years following, however, the people were to be at liberty, on the proposal of the senate, to decide whether consuls were to be elected according to the old custom, or consular tribunes. Henceforth, for many years, sometimes consuls and sometimes consular tribunes were appointed, and the number of the latter varied from three to four, until in B.C. 405 it was increased to six, and as the censors were regarded as their colleagues, we have sometimes mention of eight tribunes. At last, however, in B.C. 367, the office of these tribunes was abolished by the Licinian law, and the consulship was restored. These consular tribunes were elected in the comitia of the centuries, and undoubtedly with less solemn auspices than the consuls.—(5) Tribuni Militares [[Exercitus], [p. 169].]

TRĬBUS (φῦλον, φυλή), a tribe. (1) Greek. In the earliest times of Greek history mention is made of people being divided into tribes and clans. Homer speaks of such divisions in terms which seem to imply that they were elements that entered into the composition of every community. A person not included in any clan (ἀφρήτωρ), was regarded as a vagrant or outlaw. These divisions were rather natural than political, depending on family connection, and arising out of those times, when each head of a family exercised a patriarchal sway over its members. The bond was cemented by religious communion, sacrifices and festivals, which all the family or clansmen attended, and at which the chief usually presided.—Of the Dorian race there were originally three tribes, traces of which are found in all the countries which they colonised. Hence they are called by Homer Δωριέες τριχάϊκες. These tribes were the Hylleis (Ὑλλεῖς), Pamphyli (Πάμφυλοι), and Dymanatae or Dymanes (Δυμανάται or Δυμᾶνες). The first derived their name from Hyllus, son of Hercules, the two last from Pamphylus and Dymas, who are said to have fallen in the last expedition when the Dorians took possession of the Peloponnesus. The Hyllean tribe was perhaps the one of highest dignity; but at Sparta there does not appear to have been much distinction, for all the freemen there were by the constitution of Lycurgus on a footing of equality. To these three tribes others were added in different places, either when the Dorians were joined by other foreign allies, or when some of the old inhabitants were admitted to the rank of citizenship or equal privileges. Thus the Cadmean Aegeids are said by Herodotus to have been a great tribe at Sparta, descended (as he says) from Aegeus, grandson of Theras, though others have thought they were incorporated with the three Doric tribes. The subdivision of tribes into phratriae (φρατρίαι) or patrae (πάτραι), genē (γένη), trittyes (τρίττυες), &c. appears to have prevailed in various places. At Sparta each tribe contained ten obae (ὠβαί), a word denoting a local division or district; each obe contained ten triacades (τριακάδες), communities containing thirty families. But very little appears to be known of these divisions, how far they were local, or how far genealogical. After the time of Cleomenes the old system of tribes was changed; new ones were created corresponding to the different quarters of the town, and they seem to have been five in number.—The first Attic tribes that we read of are said to have existed in the reign, or soon after the reign, of Cecrops, and were called Cecropis (Κεκροπίς), Autochthon (Αὐτόχθων), Actaea (Ἀκταία), and Paralia (Παραλία). In the reign of a subsequent king, Cranaus, these names were changed to Cranais (Κραναΐς), Atthis (Ἀτθίς), Mesogaea (Μεσόγαια), and Diacris (Διακρίς). Afterwards we find a new set of names; Dias (Διάς), Athenais (Ἀθηναΐς), Poseidonias (Ποσειδωνιάς), and Hephaestias (Ἡφαιστιάς); evidently derived from the deities who were worshipped in the country. Some of those secondly mentioned, if not all of them, seem to have been geographical divisions; and it is not improbable that, if not independent communities, they were at least connected by a very weak bond of union. But all these tribes were superseded by four others, which were probably founded soon after the Ionic settlement in Attica, and seem to have been adopted by other Ionic colonies out of Greece. The names Geleontes (Γελέοντες), Hopletes (Ὅπλητες), Argades (Ἀργάδεις), Aegicores (Αἰγικορεῖς), are said by Herodotus to have been derived from the sons of Ion, son of Xuthus. Upon this, however, many doubts have been thrown by modern writers. The etymology of the last three names would seem to suggest, that the tribes were so called from the occupations which their respective members followed; the Hopletes being the armed men, or warriors; the Argades, labourers or husbandmen; the Aegicores, goatherds or shepherds. But whatever be the truth with respect to the origin of these tribes, one thing is certain, that before the time of Theseus, whom historians agree in representing as the great founder of the Attic commonwealth, the various people who inhabited the country continued to be disunited and split into factions.—Theseus in some measure changed the relations of the tribes to each other, by introducing a gradation of ranks in each; dividing the people into Eupatridae (Εὐπατρίδαι), Geomori (Γεωμόροι), and Demiurgi (Δημιουργοί), of whom the first were nobles, the second agriculturists or yeomen, the third labourers and mechanics. At the same time, in order to consolidate the national unity, he enlarged the city of Athens, with which he incorporated several smaller towns, made it the seat of government, encouraged the nobles to reside there, and surrendered a part of the royal prerogative in their favour. The tribes or phylae were divided, either in the age of Theseus or soon after, each into three phratriae (φρατρίαι, a term equivalent to fraternities, and analogous in its political relation to the Roman curiae), and each phratria into thirty gene (γένη, equivalent to the Roman Gentes), the members of a genos (γένος) being called gennetae (γεννῆται) or homogalactes (ὁμογαλάκτες). Each genos was distinguished by a particular name of a patronymic form, which was derived from some hero or mythic ancestor. These divisions, though the names seem to import family connection, were in fact artificial; which shows that some advance had now been made towards the establishment of a closer political union. The members of the phratriae and gene had their respective religious rites and festivals, which were preserved long after these communities had lost their political importance, and perhaps prevented them from being altogether dissolved.—After the age of Theseus, the monarchy having been first limited and afterwards abolished, the whole power of the state fell into the hands of the Eupatridae or nobles, who held all civil offices, and had besides the management of religious affairs, and the interpretation of the laws. Attica became agitated by feuds, and we find the people, shortly before the legislation of Solon, divided into three parties, Pediaei (Πεδιαῖοι) or lowlanders, Diacrii (Διάκριοι) or highlanders, and Parali (Πάραλοι) or people of the sea-coast. The first two remind us of the ancient division of tribes, Mesogaea and Diacris; and the three parties appear in some measure to represent the classes established by Theseus, the first being the nobles, whose property lay in the champaign and most fertile part of the country; the second, the smaller landowners and shepherds; the third, the trading and mining class, who had by this time risen in wealth and importance. To appease their discords, Solon was applied to; and thereupon framed his celebrated constitution and code of laws. Here we have only to notice that he retained the four tribes as he found them, but abolished the existing distinctions of rank, or at all events greatly diminished their importance, by introducing his property qualification, or division of the people into Pentacosiomedimni (Πεντακοσιομέδιμνοι), Hippeis (Ἱππεῖς), Zeugitae (Ζευγῖται), and Thetes (Θῆτες). [[Census], Greek.] The enactments of Solon continued to be the law at Athens, though in great measure suspended by the tyranny, until the democratic reform effected by Clisthenes. He abolished the old tribes, and created ten new ones, according to a geographical division of Attica, and named after ten of the ancient heroes: Erechtheis, Aegeis, Pandionis, Leontis, Acamantis, Oeneis, Cecropis, Hippothoontis, Aeantis, Antiochis. These tribes were divided each into ten demi (δῆμοι), the number of which was afterwards increased by subdivision; but the arrangement was so made that several demi not contiguous or near to one another were joined to make up a tribe. [[Demus].] The object of this arrangement was, that by the breaking of old associations a perfect and lasting revolution might be effected, in the habits and feelings, as well as the political organisation of the people. Solon allowed the ancient phratriae to exist, but they were deprived of all political importance. All foreigners admitted to the citizenship were registered in a phyle and demus, but not in a phratria or genos. The functions which had been discharged by the old tribes were now mostly transferred to the demi. Among others, we may notice that of the forty-eight naucrariae into which the old tribes had been divided for the purpose of taxation, but which now became useless, the taxes being collected on a different system. The reforms of Clisthenes were destined to be permanent. They continued to be in force (with some few interruptions) until the downfall of Athenian independence. The ten tribes were blended with the whole machinery of the constitution. Of the senate of five hundred, fifty were chosen from each tribe. The allotment of dicasts was according to tribes; and the same system of election may be observed in most of the principal offices of state, judicial and magisterial, civil and military, &c. In B.C. 307, Demetrius Poliorcetes increased the number of tribes to twelve by creating two new ones, namely, Antigonias and Demetrias, which afterwards received the names of Ptolemais and Attalis; and a thirteenth was subsequently added by Hadrian, bearing his own name.—(2) Roman. The three ancient Romulian tribes, the Ramnes, Tities, and Luceres, or the Ramnenses, Titienses, and Lucerenses, to which the patricians alone belonged, must be distinguished from the thirty plebeian tribes of Servius Tullius, which were entirely local, four for the city, and twenty-six for the country around Rome. The history and organisation of the three ancient tribes are spoken of under [Patricii]. They continued of political importance almost down to the period of the decemviral legislation; but after this time they no longer occur in the history of Rome, except as an obsolete institution. The institution and organisation of the thirty plebeian tribes, and their subsequent reduction to twenty by the conquests of Porsena, are spoken of under [Plebes]. The four city tribes were called by the same names as the regions which they occupied, viz. Suburana, Esquilina, Collina, and Palatina. The names of the sixteen country tribes which continued to belong to Rome after the conquest of Porsena, are in their alphabetical order as follows: Aemilia, Camilia, Cornelia, Fabia, Galeria, Horatia, Lemonia, Menemia, Papiria, Pollia, Popillia, upinia, Romilia, Sergia, Veturia, and Voltinia. As Rome gradually acquired possession of more of the surrounding territory, the number of tribes also was gradually increased. When Appius Claudius, with his numerous train of clients, emigrated to Rome, lands were assigned to them in the district where the Anio flows into the Tiber, and a new tribe, the tribus Claudia, was formed. This tribe was subsequently enlarged, and was then designated by the name Crustumina or Clustumina. This name is the first instance of a country tribe being named after a place, for the sixteen older ones all derived their name from persons or heroes. In B.C. 387, the number of tribes was increased to twenty-five by the addition of four new ones, viz. the Stellatina, Tromentina, Sabatina, and Arniensis. In B.C. 358 two more, the Pomptina and Publilia, were formed of Volscians. In B.C. 332, the censors Q. Publilius Philo and Sp. Postumius increased the number of tribes to twenty-nine, by the addition of the Maecia and Scaptia. In B.C. 318 the Ufentina and Falerina were added. In B.C. 299 two others, the Aniensis and Terentina, were added by the censors, and at last in B.C. 241, the number of tribes was augmented to thirty-five, by the addition of the Quirina and Velina. Eight new tribes were added upon the termination of the Social War, to include the Socii, who then obtained the Roman franchise; but they were afterwards incorporated among the old 35 tribes, which continued to be the number of the tribes to the end of the republic. When the tribes, in their assemblies, transacted any business, a certain order (ordo tribuum) was observed, in which they were called upon to give their votes. The first in the order of succession was the Suburana, and the last the Arniensis. Any person belonging to a tribe had in important documents to add to his own name that of his tribe, in the ablative case. Whether the local tribes, as they were established by the constitution of Servius Tullius, contained only the plebeians, or included the patricians also, is a point on which the opinions of modern scholars are divided: but it appears most probable that down to the decemviral legislation the tribes and their assemblies were entirely plebeian. From the time of the decemviral legislation, the patricians and their clients were undoubtedly incorporated in the tribes. Respecting the assemblies of the tribes, see [Comitia Tributa].

TRĬBŪTUM, a tax which was partly applied to cover the expenses of war, and partly those of the fortifications of the city. The usual amount of the tax was one for every thousand of a man’s fortune, though in the time of Cato it was raised to three in a thousand. The tributum was not a property-tax in the strict sense of the word, for the accounts respecting the plebeian debtors clearly imply, that the debts were not deducted in the valuation of a person’s property, so that he had to pay the tributum upon property which was not his own, but which he owed, and for which he had consequently to pay the interest as well. It was a direct tax upon objects without any regard to their produce, like a land or house-tax, which indeed formed the main part of it. That which seems to have made it most oppressive, was its constant fluctuation. It was raised according to the regions or tribes instituted by Servius Tullius, and by the tribunes of these tribes, subsequently called tribuni aerarii. It was not, like the other branches of the public revenue, let out to farm, but being fixed in money it was raised by the tribunes, unless (as was the case after the custom of giving pay to the soldiers was introduced) the soldiers, like the knights, demanded it from the persons themselves who were bound to pay it. [[Aes equestre] and HORDEARIUM.] When this tax was to be paid, what sum was to be raised, and what portion of every thousand asses of the census, were matters upon which the senate alone had to decide. But when it was decreed, the people might refuse to pay it when they thought it too heavy, or unfairly distributed, or hoped to gain some other advantage by the refusal. In later times the senate sometimes left its regulation to the censors, who often fixed it very arbitrarily. No citizen was exempt from it, but we find that the priests, augurs, and pontiffs made attempts to get rid of it: but this was only an abuse, which did not last. After the war with Macedonia (B.C. 147), when the Roman treasury was filled with the revenues accruing from conquests and from the provinces, the Roman citizens became exempted from paying the tributum, and this state of things lasted down to the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa (43 B.C.), when the tributum was again levied, on account of the exhausted state of the aerarium. After this time it was imposed according to the discretion of the emperors. Respecting the tributum paid by conquered countries and cities, see [Vectigalia].

TRICLĪNĬUM, the dining-room of a Roman house, the position of which, relatively to the other parts of the house, is seen in the “house of the Tragic poet” (see [p. 144]). It was of an oblong shape, and was twice as long as it was broad. The superintendence of the dining-room in a great house was intrusted to a slave called tricliniarcha, who, through other slaves, took care that everything was kept and proceeded in proper order. A triclinium generally contained three couches, and as the usual number of persons occupying each couch was three, the triclinium afforded accommodation for a party of nine. Sometimes, however, as many as four lay on each of the couches. Each man in order to feed himself lay flat upon his breast or nearly so, and stretched out his hand towards the table; but afterwards, when his hunger was satisfied, he turned upon his left side, leaning on his elbow. To this Horace alludes in describing a person sated with a particular dish, and turning in order to repose upon his elbow. (Sat. ii. 4, 39.) We find the relative positions of two persons who lay next to one another, commonly expressed by the prepositions super or supra, and infra. A passage of Livy (xxxix. 43), in which he relates the cruel conduct of the consul L. Quintius Flamininus, shows that infra aliquem cubare was the same as in sinu alicujus cubare, and consequently that each person was considered as below him to whose breast his own head approached. On this principle we are enabled to explain the denominations both of the three couches, and of the three places on each couch.

	lectus medius
	imus
	medius
	summus
lectus imus		lectus summus
summus		imus
medius		medius
imus		summus

Supposing the annexed arrangement to represent the plan of a triclinium, it is evident that, as each guest reclined on his left side, the countenances of all when in this position were directed, first, from No. 1 towards No. 3, then from No. 4 towards No. 6, and lastly, from No. 7 towards No. 9; that the guest No. 1 lay, in the sense explained, above No. 2, No. 3 below No. 2, and so of the rest; and that, going in the same direction, the couch to the right hand was above the others, and the couch to the left hand below the others. It will be found, that in a passage in the eighth satire of the second book of Horace, the guests are enumerated in the order of their accubation—an order exhibited in the annexed diagram.

	Vibidius
	Maecenas
	Servilius
Nomentanus		Varius
Nasidienus	(Mensa)	Viscus
Porcius		Fundanius

TRĬDENS. [[Fuscina].]

TRĬENS. [[As].]

TRIĒRARCHĬA (τριήραρχια), one of the extraordinary war services or liturgies at Athens, the object of which was to provide for the equipment and maintenance of the ships of war belonging to the state. The persons who were charged with it were called trierarchs (τριήραρχοι), as being the captains of triremes, though the name was also applied to persons who bore the same charge in other vessels. It existed from very early times in connection with the forty-eight naucraries of Solon, and the fifty of Clisthenes: each of which corporations appears to have been obliged to equip and man a vessel. [[Naucraria].] Under the constitution of Clisthenes the ten tribes were at first severally charged with five vessels. This charge was of course superseded by the later forms of the hierarchy. The state furnished the ship, and either the whole or part of the ship’s rigging and furniture, and also pay and provisions for the sailors. The trierarchs were bound to keep in repair the ship and its furniture, and were frequently put to great expense in paying the sailors and supplying them with provisions, when the state did not supply sufficient money for the purpose. Moreover, some trierarchs, whether from ambitious or patriotic motives, put themselves to unnecessary expense in fitting out and rigging their ships, from which the state derived an advantage. The average expense of the trierarchy was 50 minae. In ancient times one person bore the whole charge of the trierarchy, afterwards it was customary for two persons to share it, who were then called syntrierarchs (συντριήραρχοι). When this practice was first introduced is not known, but it was perhaps about the year 412 B.C., after the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily, when the union of two persons for the choregia was first permitted. The syntrierarchy, however, did not entirely supersede the older and single form, being only meant as a relief in case of emergency, when there was not a sufficient number of wealthy citizens to bear the expense singly. In the case of a syntrierarchy the two trierarchs commanded their vessel in turn, six months each, according as they agreed between themselves.—The third form of the trierarchy was connected with, or suggested by, the syntrierarchy. In B.C. 358, the Athenians were unable to procure a sufficient number of legally appointed trierarchs, and accordingly they summoned volunteers. This, however, was but a temporary expedient; and as the actual system was not adequate to the public wants, they determined to manage the trierarchy somewhat in the same way as the property-tax (eisphora), namely, by classes or symmoriae, according to the law of Periander passed in B.C. 358, and which was the primary and original enactment on the subject. With this view 1200 synteleis (συντελεῖς) or partners were appointed, who were probably the wealthiest individuals of the state, according to the census or valuation. These were divided into 20 symmoriae (συμμορίαι) or classes; out of which a number of persons (σώματα) joined for the equipment or rather the maintenance and management of a ship, under the title of a synteleia (συντέλεια) or union. To every ship there was generally assigned a synteleia of fifteen persons of different degrees of wealth, as we may suppose, so that four ships only were provided for by each symmoria of sixty persons. It appears, however, that before Demosthenes carried a new law on this subject (B.C. 340), it had been customary for sixteen persons to unite in a synteleia or company for a ship, who bore the burden in equal shares. This being the case, it follows either that the members of the symmoriae had been by that time raised from 1200 to 1280, or that some alterations had taken place in their internal arrangements, of which no account has come down to us. The superintendence of the whole system was in the hands of the 300 wealthiest members, who were therefore called the “leaders of the symmoriae” (ἡγεμόνες τῶν συμμοριῶν), on whom the burdens of the trierarchy chiefly fell, or rather ought to have fallen. The services performed by individuals under this system appear to have been the same as before: the state still provided the ship’s tackle, and the only duty then of the trierarchs under this system was to keep their vessels in the same repair and order as they received them. But even from this they managed to escape: for the wealthiest members, who had to serve for their synteleia, let out their trierarchies for a talent, and received that amount from their partners (συντελεῖς), so that in reality they paid next to nothing, or, at any rate, not what they ought to have done, considering that the trierarchy was a ground of exemption from other liturgies.—To remedy these abuses Demosthenes carried a law when he was the ἐπιστάτης τοῦ ναυτικοῦ, or the superintendent of the Athenian navy, thereby introducing the Fourth form of the trierarchy. The provisions of the law were as follows: The naval services required from every citizen were to depend upon and be proportional to his property, or rather to his taxable capital, as registered for the symmoriae of the property-tax, the rate being one trireme for every ten talents of taxable capital, up to three triremes and one auxiliary vessel (ὑπηρέσιον) for the largest properties; i.e. no person, however rich, could be required to furnish more. Those who had not ten talents in taxable capital were to club together in synteleiae till they had made up that amount. By this law great changes were effected. All persons paying taxes were rated in proportion to their property, so that the poor were benefited by it, and the state likewise: for, as Demosthenes says, those who had formerly contributed one-sixteenth to the trierarchy of one ship were now trierarchs of two, in which case they must either have served by proxy, or done duty in successive years. He adds, that the consequences were highly beneficial. We do not know the amount of property which rendered a man liable to serve a trierarchy or syntrierarchy, but we read of no instance of liability arising from a property of less value than 500 minae. The appointment to serve under the first and second forms of the trierarchy was made by the strategi, and in case any person was appointed to serve a trierarchy, and thought that any one else (not called upon) was better able to bear it than himself, he offered the latter an exchange of his property [[Antidosis]] subject to the burden of the trierarchy. In cases of extreme hardship, persons became suppliants to the people, or fled to the altar of Artemis at Munychia. If not ready in time, they were sometimes liable to imprisonment. On the contrary, whoever got his ship ready first was to be rewarded with the “crown of the trierarchy;” so that in this way considerable emulation and competition were produced. Moreover, the trierarchs were ὑπεύθυνοι, or liable to be called to account for their expenditure; though they applied their own property to the service of the state. It has been already stated that the trierarchy was a ground of exemption from the other liturgies, any of which, indeed, gave an exemption, from all the rest during the following year.

TRĬNUNDĬNUM. [[Nundinae].]

TRIŌBŎLON (τριώβολον), the fee of three obols, which the Athenian dicasts received. [[Dicastae].]

TRĬPOS (τρίπους), a tripod, i.e. any utensil or article of furniture supported upon three feet. More especially (1) A three-legged table.—(2) A pot or caldron, used for boiling meat, and either raised upon a three-legged stand of bronze, or made with its three feet in the same piece.—(3) A bronze altar, not differing probably in its original form from the tall tripod caldron already described. It was from a tripod that the Pythian priestess at Delphi gave responses. [[Cortina].] The celebrity of this tripod produced innumerable imitations of it, which were made to be used in sacrifice, and still more frequently to be presented to the treasury both in that place and in many other Greek temples.

Tripod of Apollo at Delphi. (Böttiger’s Amalthea, vol. i. p. 119.)

TRĬPŬDĬUM. [[Auspicium].]

TRIRĒMIS. [[Navis].]

TRĬUMPHUS (θρίαμβος), a solemn procession, in which a victorious general entered the city in a chariot drawn by four horses. He was preceded by the captives and spoils taken in war, was followed by his troops, and after passing in state along the Via Sacra, ascended the Capitol to offer sacrifice in the temple of Jupiter. From the beginning of the republic down to the extinction of liberty a regular triumph (justus triumphus) was recognised as the summit of military glory, and was the cherished object of ambition to every Roman general. A triumph might be granted for successful achievements either by land or sea, but the latter were comparatively so rare that we shall for the present defer the consideration of the naval triumph. After any decisive battle had been won, or a province subdued by a series of successful operations, the imperator forwarded to the senate a laurel-wreathed dispatch (literae laureatae), containing an account of his exploits. If the intelligence proved satisfactory, the senate decreed a public thanksgiving. [[Supplicatio].] After the war was concluded, the general with his army repaired to Rome, or ordered his army to meet him there on a given day, but did not enter the city. A meeting of the senate was held without the walls, usually in the temple either of Bellona or Apollo, that he might have an opportunity of urging his pretensions in person, and these were then scrutinised and discussed with the most jealous care. The following rules were for the most part rigidly enforced, although the senate assumed the discretionary power of relaxing them in special cases. 1. That no one could be permitted to triumph unless he had held the office of dictator, of consul, or of praetor. The honours granted to Pompey, who triumphed in his 24th year (B.C. 81) before he had held any of the great offices of state, and again ten years afterwards, while still a simple eques, were altogether unprecedented. 2. That the magistrate should have been actually in office both when the victory was gained and when the triumph was to be celebrated. This regulation was insisted upon only during the earlier ages of the commonwealth. Its violation commenced with Q. Publilius Philo, the first person to whom the senate ever granted a prorogatio imperii after the termination of a magistracy, and thenceforward proconsuls and propraetors were permitted to triumph without question. 3. That the war should have been prosecuted or the battle fought under the auspices and in the province and with the troops of the general seeking the triumph. Thus if a victory was gained by the legatus of a general who was absent from the army, the honour of it did not belong to the former, but to the latter, inasmuch as he had the auspices. 4. That at least 5000 of the enemy should have been slain in a single battle, that the advantage should have been positive, and not merely a compensation for some previous disaster, and that the loss on the part of the Romans should have been small compared with that of their adversaries. But still we find many instances of triumphs granted for general results, without reference to the numbers slain in any one engagement. 5. That the war should have been a legitimate contest against public foes, and not a civil contest. Hence Catulus celebrated no triumph over Lepidus, nor Antonius over Catiline, nor Cinna and Marius over their antagonists of the Sullan party, nor Caesar after Pharsalia; and when he did subsequently triumph after his victory over the sons of Pompey, it caused universal disgust. 6. That the dominion of the state should have been extended, and not merely something previously lost regained. The absolute acquisition of territory does not appear to have been essential. 7. That the war should have been brought to a conclusion and the province reduced to a state of peace, so as to permit of the army being withdrawn, the presence of the victorious soldiers being considered indispensable in a triumph. The senate claimed the exclusive right of deliberating upon all these points, and giving or withholding the honour sought, and they for the most part exercised the privilege without question, except in times of great political excitement. The sovereignty of the people, however, in this matter was asserted at a very early date, and a triumph is said to have been voted by the tribes to Valerius and Horatius, the consuls of B.C. 446, in direct opposition to the resolution of the fathers, and in a similar manner to C. Marcius Rutilus the first plebeian dictator, while L. Postumius Megellus, consul B.C. 294, celebrated a triumph, although resisted by the senate and seven out of the ten tribunes. Nay, more, we read of a certain Appius Claudius, consul B.C. 143, who having persisted in celebrating a triumph in defiance of both the senate and people, was accompanied by his daughter (or sister) Claudia, a vestal virgin, and by her interposition saved from being dragged from his chariot by a tribune. A disappointed general, however, seldom ventured to resort to such violent measures, but satisfied himself with going through the forms on the Alban Mount, a practice first introduced by C. Papirius Maso. If the senate gave their consent, they at the same time voted a sum of money towards defraying the necessary expenses, and one of the tribunes ex auctoritate senatus applied for a plebiscitum to permit the imperator to retain his imperium on the day when he entered the city. This last form could not be dispensed with either in an ovation or a triumph, because the imperium conferred by the comitia curiata did not include the city itself, and when a general had once gone forth paludatus, his military power ceased as soon as he re-entered the gates, unless the general law had been previously suspended by a special enactment; and in this manner the resolution of the senate was, as it were, ratified by the plebs. For this reason no one desiring a triumph ever entered the city until the question was decided, since by so doing he would ipso facto have forfeited all claim. We have a remarkable example of this in the case of Cicero, who after his return from Cilicia lingered in the vicinity of Rome day after day, and dragged about his lictors from one place to another, without entering the city, in the vain hope of a triumph.—In later times these pageants were marshalled with extraordinary pomp and splendour, and presented a most gorgeous spectacle. Minute details would necessarily be different according to circumstances, but the general arrangements were as follows. The temples were all thrown open, garlands of flowers decorated every shrine and image, and incense smoked on every altar. Meanwhile the imperator called an assembly of his soldiers, delivered an oration commending their valour, and concluded by distributing rewards to the most distinguished, and a sum of money to each individual, the amount depending on the value of the spoils. He then ascended his triumphal car and advanced to the Porta Triumphalis, where he was met by the whole body of the senate headed by the magistrates. The procession then defiled in the following order. 1. The senate headed by the magistrates. 2. A body of trumpeters. 3. A train of carriages and frames laden with spoils, those articles which were especially remarkable either on account of their beauty or rarity being disposed in such a manner as to be seen distinctly by the crowd. Boards were borne aloft on fercula, on which were painted in large letters the names of vanquished nations and countries. Here, too, models were exhibited in ivory or wood of the cities and forts captured, and pictures of the mountains, rivers, and other great natural features of the subjugated region, with appropriate inscriptions. Gold and silver in coin or bullion, arms, weapons, and horse furniture of every description, statues, pictures, vases, and other works of art, precious stones, elaborately wrought and richly embroidered stuffs, and every object which could be regarded as valuable or curious. 4. A body of flute players. 5. The white bulls or oxen destined for sacrifice, with gilded horns, decorated with infulae and serta, attended by the slaughtering priests with their implements, and followed by the Camilli bearing in their hands paterae and other holy vessels and instruments. 6. Elephants or any other strange animals, natives of the conquered districts. 7. The arms and insignia of the leaders of the foe. 8. The leaders themselves, and such of their kindred as had been taken prisoners, followed by the whole band of inferior captives in fetters. 9. The coronae and other tributes of respect and gratitude bestowed on the imperator by allied kings and states. 10. The lictors of the imperator in single file, their fasces wreathed with laurel. 11. The imperator himself in a circular chariot of a peculiar form, drawn by four horses, which were sometimes, though rarely, white. He was attired in a gold-embroidered robe (toga picta) and flowered tunic (tunica palmata): he bore in his right hand a laurel bough, and in his left a sceptre; his brows were encircled with a wreath of Delphic laurel, in addition to which in ancient times, his body was painted bright red. He was accompanied in his chariot by his children of tender years, and sometimes by very dear or highly honoured friends, while behind him stood a public slave, holding over his head a golden Etruscan crown ornamented with jewels. The presence of a slave in such a place at such a time seems to have been intended to avert invidia and the influence of the evil eye, and for the same purpose a fascinum, a little bell, and a scourge were attached to the vehicle. Tertullian tells us, that the slave ever and anon whispered in the ear of the imperator the warning words Respice post te, hominem memento te, but this statement is not confirmed by any earlier writer. 12. Behind the chariot or on the horses which drew it rode the grown-up sons of the imperator, together with the legati, the tribuni, and the equites, all on horseback. 13. The rear was brought up by the whole body of the infantry in marching order, their spears adorned with laurel, some shouting Io Triumphe, and singing hymns to the gods, while others proclaimed the praises of their leader or indulged in keen sarcasms and coarse ribaldry at his expense, for the most perfect freedom of speech was granted and exercised. Just as the pomp was ascending the Capitoline hill, some of the hostile chiefs were led aside into the adjoining prison and put to death, a custom so barbarous that we could scarcely believe that it existed in a civilised age, were it not attested by the most unquestionable evidence. Pompey, indeed, refrained from perpetrating this atrocity in his third triumph, and Aurelian on like occasion spared Zenobia, but these are quoted as exceptions to the general rule. When it was announced that these murders had been completed, the victims were then sacrificed, an offering from the spoils was presented to Jupiter, the laurel wreath was deposited in the lap of the god, the imperator was entertained at a public feast along with his friends in the temple, and returned home in the evening preceded by torches and pipes, and escorted by a crowd of citizens. The whole of the proceedings, generally speaking, were brought to a close in one day; but when the quantity of plunder was very great, and the troops very numerous, a longer period was required for the exhibition, and thus the triumph of Flaminius continued for three days in succession. But the glories of the imperator did not end with the show, nor even with his life. It was customary (we know not if the practice was invariable) to provide him at the public expense with a site for a house, such mansions being styled triumphales domus. After death his kindred were permitted to deposit his ashes within the walls, and laurel-wreathed statues standing erect in triumphal cars, displayed in the vestibulum of the family mansion, transmitted his fame to posterity.—A Triumphus Navalis appears to have differed in no respect from an ordinary triumph, except that it must have been upon a smaller scale, and would be characterised by the exhibition of beaks of ships and other nautical trophies. The earliest upon record was granted to C. Duillius, who laid the foundation of the supremacy of Rome by sea in the first Punic war; and so elated was he by his success, that during the rest of his life, whenever he returned home at night from supper, he caused flutes to sound and torches to be borne before him. A second naval triumph was celebrated by Lutatius Catulus for his victory off the Insulae Aegates, B.C. 241; a third by Q. Fabius Labeo, B.C. 189, over the Cretans; and a fourth by C. Octavius over King Perseus, without captives and without spoils.—Triumphus Castrensis was a procession of the soldiers through the camp in honour of a tribunus or some officer inferior to the general, who had performed a brilliant exploit. After the extinction of freedom, the emperor being considered as the commander-in-chief of all the armies of the state, every military achievement was understood to be performed under his auspices, and hence, according to the forms of even the ancient constitution, he alone had a legitimate claim to a triumph. This principle was soon fully recognised and acted upon; for although Antonius had granted triumphs to his legati, and his example had been freely followed by Augustus in the early part of his career, yet after the year B.C. 14, he entirely discontinued the practice, and from that time forward triumphs were rarely, if ever, conceded to any except members of the imperial family. But to compensate in some degree for what was then taken away, the custom was introduced of bestowing what were termed Triumphalia Ornamenta, that is, permission to receive the titles bestowed upon and to appear in public with the robes worn by the imperatores of the commonwealth when they triumphed, and to bequeath to descendants triumphal statues. These triumphalia ornamenta are said to have been first bestowed upon Agrippa or upon Tiberius, and ever after were a common mark of the favour of the prince.

Triumphal Procession. (Zoega, Bassi-rilievi, tav. 9, 76.)

TRĬUMVĬRI, or TRESVĬRI, were either ordinary magistrates or officers, or else extraordinary commissioners, who were frequently appointed at Rome to execute any public office. The following is a list of the most important of both classes.

1. Triumviri Agro Dividundo. [Triumviri Coloniae Deducendae.]

2. Triumviri Capitales were regular magistrates, first appointed about B.C. 292. They were elected by the people, the comitia being held by the praetor. They succeeded to many of the functions of the Quaestores Parricidii. [[Quaestor].] It was their duty to inquire into all capital crimes, and to receive informations respecting such, and consequently they apprehended and committed to prison all criminals whom they detected. In conjunction with the aediles, they had to preserve the public peace, to prevent all unlawful assemblies, &c. They enforced the payment of fines due to the state. They had the care of public prisons, and carried into effect the sentence of the law upon criminals. In these points they resembled the magistracy of the Eleven at Athens.

4. Triumviri Coloniae Deducendae were persons appointed to superintend the formation of a colony. They are spoken of under [Colonia], [p. 99], b. Since they had besides to superintend the distribution of the land to the colonists, we find them also called Triumviri Coloniae Deducendae Agroque Dividundo, and sometimes simply Triumviri Agro Dando.

5. Triumviri Epulones. [[Epulones].]

6. Triumviri Equitum Turmas Recognoscendi, or Legendis Equitum Decuriis, were magistrates first appointed by Augustus to revise the lists of the equites, and to admit persons into the order. This was formerly part of the duties of the censors.

7. Triumviri Mensarii. [[Mensarii].]

8. Triumviri Monetales. [[Moneta].]

9. Triumviri Nocturni were magistrates elected annually, whose chief duty it was to prevent fires by night, and for this purpose they had to go round the city during the night (vigilias circumire). If they neglected their duty they appear to have been accused before the people by the tribunes of the plebs. The time at which this office was instituted is unknown, but it must have been previously to the year B.C. 304. Augustus transferred their duties to the Praefectus Vigilum. [[Praefectus Vigilum].]

10. Triumviri Reficiendis Aedibus, extraordinary officers elected in the Comitia Tributa in the time of the second Punic war, were appointed for the purpose of repairing and rebuilding certain temples.

11. Triumviri Reipublicae Constituendae. When the supreme power was shared between Caesar (Octavianus), Antony, and Lepidus, they administered the affairs of the state under the title of Triumviri Reipublicae Constituendae. This office was conferred upon them in B.C. 43, for five years; and on the expiration of the term, in B.C. 38, was conferred upon them again, in B.C. 37, for five years more. The coalition between Julius Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus, in B.C. 60, is usually called the first triumvirate, and that between Octavianus, Antony, and Lepidus, the second; but it must be borne in mind that the former never bore the title of triumviri, nor were invested with any office under that name, whereas the latter were recognised as regular magistrates under the above-mentioned title.

12. Triumviri Sacris Conquirendis Donisque Persignandis, extraordinary officers elected in the Comitia Tributa in the time of the second Punic war, seem to have had to take care that all property given or consecrated to the gods was applied to that purpose.

13. Triumviri Senatus Legendi were magistrates appointed by Augustus to admit persons into the senate. This was previously the duty of the censors.

TRŎCHUS (τροχός), a hoop. The Greek hoop was a bronze ring, and had sometimes bells attached to it. It was impelled by means of a hook with a wooden handle, called clavis, and ἐλατήρ. From the Greeks this custom passed to the Romans, who consequently adopted the Greek term. The following woodcuts from gems exhibit naked youths trundling the hoop by means of the hook or key. They are accompanied by the jar of oil and the laurel branch, the signs of effort and of victory.

Trochi, Hoops. (From ancient Gems.)

TROJAE LŪDUS. [[Circus].]

TRŎPAEUM (τρόπαιον, Att. τροπαῖον), a trophy, a sign and memorial of victory, which was erected on the field of battle where the enemy had turned (τρέπω, τρόπη) to flight; and in case of a victory gained at sea, on the nearest land. The expression for raising or erecting a trophy is τροπαῖον στῆσαι or στήσασθαι, to which may be added ἀπὸ or κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων. When the battle was not decisive, or each party considered it had some claims to the victory, both erected trophies. Trophies usually consisted of the arms, shields, helmets, &c. of the enemy that were defeated; and these were placed on the trunk of a tree, which was fixed on some elevation. The trophy was consecrated to some divinity, with an inscription (ἐπίγραμμα), recording the names of the victors and of the defeated party; whence trophies were regarded as inviolable, which even the enemy were not permitted to remove. Sometimes, however, a people destroyed a trophy, if they considered that the enemy had erected it without sufficient cause. That rankling and hostile feelings might not be perpetuated by the continuance of a trophy, it seems to have been originally part of Greek international law that trophies should be made only of wood, and not of stone or metal, and that they should not be repaired when decayed. It was not, however, uncommon to erect trophies of metal. Pausanias speaks of several which he saw in Greece. The trophies erected to commemorate naval victories were usually ornamented with the beaks or acroteria of ships [[Acroterium]; [Rostra]]; and were generally consecrated to Poseidon or Neptune. Sometimes a whole ship was placed as a trophy. The Romans, in early times, never erected any trophies on the field of battle, but carried home the spoils taken in battle, with which they decorated the public buildings, and also the private houses of individuals. [[Spolia].] Subsequently, however, the Romans adopted the Greek practice of raising trophies on the field of battle. The first trophies of this kind were erected by Domitius Ahenobarbus and Fabius Maximus in B.C. 121, after their conquest of the Allobroges, when they built at the junction of the Rhone and the Isara towers of white stone, upon which trophies were placed adorned with the spoils of the enemy. Pompey also raised trophies on the Pyrenees after his victories in Spain; Julius Caesar did the same near Ziela, after his victory over Pharnaces; and Drusus, near the Elbe, to commemorate his victory over the Germans. Still, however, it was more common to erect some memorial of the victory at Rome than on the field of battle. The trophies raised by Marius to commemorate his victories over Jugurtha and the Cimbri and Teutoni, which were cast down by Sulla, and restored by Julius Caesar, must have been in the city. In the later times of the republic, and under the empire, the erection of triumphal arches was the most common way of commemorating a victory, many of which remain to the present day. [[Arcus].]

Trophy of Augustus. (Museo Capitolino, vol i. tav. 5.)

TROSSŬLI. [[Equites], [p. 157], a.]

TRŬA, dim. TRULLA (τορύνη), derived from τρύω, τόρω, &c., to perforate; a large and flat spoon or ladle, pierced with holes; a trowel. The annexed woodcut represents such a ladle. The trulla vinaria seems to have been a species of colander [[Colum]], used as a wine-strainer.

Trua. (From the House of Pansa at Pompeii.)

TRŬTĬNA (τρυτάνη), a general term, including both libra, a balance, and statera, a steelyard. Payments were originally made by weighing, not by counting. Hence a balance (trutina) was preserved in the temple of Saturn at Rome.

TŬBA (σάλπιγξ), a bronze trumpet, distinguished from the cornu by being straight while the latter was curved. [[Cornu].] The tuba was employed in war for signals of every description, at the games and public festivals, and also at the last rites to the dead: those who sounded the trumpet at funerals were termed siticines, and used an instrument of a peculiar form. The tones of the tuba are represented as of a harsh and fear-inspiring character. The invention of the tuba is usually ascribed by ancient writers to the Etruscans. It has been remarked that Homer never introduces the σάλπιγξ in his narrative except in comparisons, which leads us to infer that, although known in his time, it had been but recently introduced into Greece; and it is certain that, notwithstanding its eminently martial character, it was not until a late period used in the armies of the leading states. By the Greek tragedians its Tuscan origin is fully recognised. According to one account it was first fabricated for the Tyrrhenians by Athena, who in consequence was worshipped by the Argives under the title of Σάλπιγξ, while at Rome the tubilustrium, or purification of sacred trumpets, was performed on the last day of the Quinquatrus. [[Quinquatrus].] There appears to have been no essential difference in form between the Greek and Roman or Tyrrhenian trumpets. Both were long, straight, bronze tubes, gradually increasing in diameter, and terminating in a bell-shaped aperture.

Soldiers blowing Tubae and Cornua. (From Column of Trajan.)

TŬBĬLUSTRIUM. [[Quinquatrus].]

TULLIĀNUM. [[Carcer].]

TŬMULTUĀRĬI. [[Tumultus].]

TŬMULTUS, the name given to a sudden or dangerous war in Italy or Cisalpine Gaul, and the word was supposed by the ancients to be a contraction of timor multus. It was, however, sometimes applied to a sudden or dangerous war elsewhere; but this does not appear to have been a correct use of the word. Cicero says that there might be a war without a tumultus, but not a tumultus without a war; but it must be recollected that the word was also applied to any sudden alarm respecting a war; whence we find a tumultus often spoken of as of less importance than a war, because the results were of less consequence, though the fear might have been much greater than in a regular war. In the case of a tumultus there was a cessation from all business (justitium), and all citizens were obliged to enlist without regard being had to the exemptions (vacationes) from military service, which were enjoyed at other times. As there was not time to enlist the soldiers in the regular manner, the magistrate who was appointed to command the army displayed two banners (vexilla) from the Capitol, one red, to summon the infantry, and the other green, to summon the cavalry, and said, Qui rempublicam salvam vult, me sequatur. Those that assembled took the military oath together, instead of one by one, as was the usual practice, whence they were called conjurati, and their service conjuratio. Soldiers enlisted in this way were termed Tumultuarii or Subitarii.

Doric Chiton. (From a Bas-relief in the British Museum.)

Ionic Chiton. (From a Statue in the British Museum.)

TŬNĬCA (χιτών, dim. χιτωνίσκος, χιτώνιον), an under-garment. (1) Greek. The chiton was the only kind of ἔνδυμα, or under-garment worn by the Greeks. Of this there were two kinds, the Dorian and Ionian. The Dorian chiton, as worn by males, was a short woollen shirt, without sleeves; the Ionian was a long linen garment, with sleeves. The former seems to have been originally worn throughout the whole of Greece; the latter was brought over to Greece by the Ionians of Asia. The Ionic chiton was commonly worn at Athens by men during the Persian wars, but it appears to have entirely gone out of fashion for the male sex about the time of Pericles, from which time the Dorian chiton was the under-garment universally adopted by men through the whole of Greece. The distinction between the Doric and Ionic chiton still continued in the dress of women. The Spartan virgins only wore this one garment, and had no upper kind of clothing, whence it is sometimes called Himation [[Pallium]] as well as Chiton. They appeared in the company of men without any further covering; but the married women never did so without wearing an upper garment. This Doric chiton was made, as stated above, of woollen stuff; it was without sleeves, and was fastened over both shoulders by clasps or buckles (πόρπαι, περόναι), which were often of considerable size. It was frequently so short as not to reach the knee. It was only joined together on one side, and on the other was left partly open or slit up (σχιστός χίτων), to allow a free motion of the limbs. The following cut represents an Amazon with a chiton of this kind: some parts of the figure appear incomplete, as the original is mutilated. The Ionic chiton, on the contrary, was a long and loose garment, reaching to the feet (ποδήρης), with wide sleeves (κόραι), and was usually made of linen. The sleeves, however, appear generally to have covered only the upper part of the arm; for in ancient works of art we seldom find the sleeve extending farther than the elbow, and sometimes not so far. The sleeves were sometimes slit up, and fastened together with an elegant row of brooches. The Ionic chiton, according to Herodotus, was originally a Carian dress, and passed over to Athens from Ionia, as has been already remarked. The women at Athens originally wore the Doric chiton, but were compelled to change it for the Ionic, after they had killed with the buckles or clasps of their dresses the single Athenian who had returned alive from the expedition against Aegina, because there were no buckles or clasps required in the Ionic dress. The preceding cut represents the Muse Thalia wearing an Ionic chiton. The peplum has fallen off her shoulders, and is held up by the left hand. Both kinds of dress were fastened round the middle with a girdle, and as the Ionic chiton was usually longer than the body, part of it was drawn up so that the dress might not reach farther than the feet, and the part which was so drawn up overhung or overlapped the girdle, and was called κόλπος.—There was a peculiar kind of dress, which seems to have been a species of double chiton, called Diplois (διπλοΐς), Diploidion (διπλοΐδιον), and Hemidiploidion (ἡμιδιπλοΐδιον).

Diploidia, double Chitons. (Museo Borbonico, vol. ii. tav. 4, 6.)

It appears not to have been a separate article of dress, but merely the upper part of the cloth forming the chiton, which was larger than was required for the ordinary chiton, and was therefore thrown over the front and back. The following cuts will give a clearer idea of the form of this garment than any description. Since the Diploidion was fastened over the shoulders by means of buckles or clasps, it was called Epomis (ἐπωμίς), which is supposed by some writers to have been only the end of the garment fastened on the shoulder. The chiton was worn by men next their skin; but females were accustomed to wear a chemise (χιτώνιον) under their chiton. It was the practice among most of the Greeks to wear an himation, or outer garment, over the chiton, but frequently the chiton was worn alone. A person who wore only a chiton was called μονοχίτων (οἰοχίτων in Homer), an epithet given to the Spartan virgins. In the some way, a person who wore only an himation, or outer garment, was called ἀχίτων. The Athenian youths, in the earlier times, wore only the chiton, and when it became the fashion, in the Peloponnesian war, to wear an outer garment over it, it was regarded as a mark of effeminacy.—(2) Roman. The Tunica of the Romans, like the Greek chiton, was a woollen under-garment, over which the toga was worn. It was the Indumentum or Indutus, as opposed to the Amictus, the general term for the toga, pallium, or any other outer garment. [[Amictus].] The Romans are said to have had no other clothing originally but the toga; and when the tunic was first introduced, it was merely a short garment without sleeves, and was called Colobium. It was considered a mark of effeminacy for men to wear tunics with long sleeves (manicatae) and reaching to the feet (talares). The tunic was girded (cincta) with a belt or girdle around the waist, but it was usually worn loose, without being girded, when a person was at home, or wished to be at his ease. Hence we find the terms cinctus, praecinctus, and succinctus, applied, like the Greek εὔζωνος, to an active and diligent person, and discinctus to one who was idle or dissolute. The form of the tunic, as worn by men, is represented in many woodcuts in this work. In works of art it usually terminates a little above the knee; it has short sleeves, covering only the upper part of the arm, and is girded at the waist: the sleeves sometimes, though less frequently, extend to the hands.—Both sexes at Rome usually wore two tunics, an outer and an under, the latter of which was worn next the skin, and corresponds to our shirt and chemise. The under tunics were called Subucula and Indusium, the former of which is supposed to be the name of the under tunic of the men, and the latter of that of the women: but this is not certain. The word Interula was of later origin, and seems to have been applied equally to the under tunic of both sexes. It is doubtful whether the Supparus or Supparum was an outer or an under garment. Persons sometimes wore several tunics, as a protection against cold: Augustus wore four in the winter, besides a subucula. As the dress of a man usually consisted of an under tunic, an outer tunic, and the toga, so that of a woman, in like manner, consisted of an under tunic, an outer tunic, and the palla. The outer tunic of the Roman matron was properly called stola [[Stola]], and is represented in the woodcut on [p. 355]; but the annexed woodcut, which represents a Roman empress in the character of Concordia, or Abundantia, gives a better idea of its form. Over the tunic or stola the palla is thrown in many folds, but the shape of the former is still distinctly shown. The tunics of women were larger and longer than those of men, and always had sleeves; but in ancient paintings and statues we seldom find the sleeves covering more than the upper part of the arm. Sometimes the tunics were adorned with golden ornaments called Leria. Poor people, who could not afford to purchase a toga, wore the tunic alone, whence we find the common people called Tunicati. A person who wore only his tunic was frequently called [Nudus]. Respecting the clavus latus and the clavus angustus, worn on the tunics of the senators and equites respectively, see [Clavus Latus], [Clavus Angustus]. When a triumph was celebrated, the conqueror wore, together with an embroidered toga (Toga picta), a flowered tunic (Tunica palmata), also called Tunica Jovis, because it was taken from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus. Tunics of this kind were sent as presents to foreign kings by the senate.

Roman Tunic. (Visconti, Monumenti Gabini, n. 34.)

TŪRĬBŬLUM (θυμιατήριον), a censer. The Greeks and Romans, when they sacrificed, commonly took a little frankincense out of the [Acerra] and let it fall upon the flaming altar. [[Ara].] More rarely they used a censer, by means of which they burnt the incense in greater profusion, and which was in fact a small moveable grate or [Foculus]. The annexed cut shows the performance of both of these acts at the same time. Winckelmann supposes it to represent Livia, the wife, and Octavia, the sister of Augustus, sacrificing to Mars in gratitude for his safe return from Spain. The censer here represented has two handles for the purpose of carrying it from place to place, and it stands upon feet so that the air might be admitted underneath, and pass upwards through the fuel.

Livia and Octavia Sacrificing. (From an ancient Painting.)

TURMA. [[Exercitus], [p. 166], b.]

TURRIS (πύργος), a tower. Moveable towers were among the most important engines used in storming a fortified place. They were generally made of beams and planks, and covered, at least on the three sides which were exposed to the besieged, with iron, not only for protection, but also to increase their weight, and thus make them steadier. They were also covered with raw hides and quilts, moistened, and sometimes with alum, to protect them from fire. Their height was such as to overtop the walls, towers, and all other fortifications of the besieged place. They were divided into stories (tabulata or tecta), and hence they are called turres contabulatae. The sides of the towers were pierced with windows, of which there were several to each story. The use of the stories was to receive the engines of war (tormenta). They contained balistae and catapults, and slingers and archers were stationed in them, and on the tops of the towers. In the lowest story was a battering-ram [[Aries]]; and in the middle one or more bridges (pontes) made of beams and planks, and protected at the sides by hurdles. Scaling-ladders (scalae) were also carried in the towers, and when the missiles had cleared the walls, these bridges and ladders enabled the besiegers to rush upon them. These towers were placed upon wheels (generally 6 or 8), that they might be brought up to the walls. These wheels were placed for security inside of the tower.

TŪTOR. [[Curator].]

TYMPĂNUM (τύμπανον), a small drum carried in the hand. Of these, some resembled in all respects a modern tambourine with bells. Others presented a flat circular disk on the upper surface and swelled out beneath like a kettle-drum. Both forms are represented in the cuts below. Tympana were covered with the hides of oxen, or of asses; were beaten with a stick, or with the hand, and were much employed in all wild enthusiastic religious rites, especially the orgies of Bacchus and Cybele.—(2) A solid wheel without spokes, for heavy waggons, such as is shown in the cut on [p. 298].

Tympana. (From ancient Paintings.)

TỸRANNUS (τύραννος). In the heroic age all the governments in Greece were monarchical, the king uniting in himself the functions of the priest, the judge, and military chief. In the first two or three centuries following the Trojan war various causes were at work, which led to the abolition, or at least to the limitation, of the kingly power. Emigrations, extinctions of families, disasters in war, civil dissensions, may be reckoned among these causes. Hereditary monarchies became elective; the different functions of the king were distributed; he was called Archon (ἄρχων), Cosmus (κόσμος), or Prytanis (πρύτανις), instead of Basileus (βασιλεύς), and his character was changed no less than his name. Noble and wealthy families began to be considered on a footing of equality with royalty; and thus in process of time sprang up oligarchies or aristocracies, which most of the governments that succeeded the ancient monarchies were in point of fact, though not as yet called by such names. These oligarchies did not possess the elements of social happiness or stability. The principal families contended with each other for the greatest share of power, and were only unanimous in disregarding the rights of those whose station was beneath their own. The people, oppressed by the privileged classes, began to regret the loss of their old paternal form of government; and were ready to assist any one who would attempt to restore it. Thus were opportunities offered to ambitious and designing men to raise themselves, by starting up as the champions of popular right. Discontented nobles were soon found to prosecute schemes of this sort, and they had a greater chance of success, if descended from the ancient royal family. Pisistratus is an example; he was the more acceptable to the people of Athens, as being a descendant of the family of Codrus. Thus in many cities arose that species of monarchy which the Greeks called tyrannis (τυραννίς), which meant only a despotism, or irresponsible dominion of one man; and which frequently was nothing more than a revival of the ancient government, and, though unaccompanied with any recognised hereditary title, or the reverence attached to old name and long prescription, was hailed by the lower orders of people as a good exchange, after suffering under the domination of the oligarchy. All tyrannies, however, were not so acceptable to the majority; and sometimes we find the nobles concurring in the elevation of a despot, to further their own interests. Thus the Syracusan Gamori, who had been expelled by the populace, on receiving the protection of Gelon, sovereign of Gela and Camarina, enabled him to take possession of Syracuse, and establish his kingdom there. Sometimes the conflicting parties in the state, by mutual consent, chose some eminent man, in whom they had confidence, to reconcile their dissensions; investing him with a sort of dictatorial power for that purpose, either for a limited period or otherwise. Such a person they called Aesymnetes (αἰσυμνήτης). The tyrannus must be distinguished, on the one hand, from the aesymnetes, inasmuch as he was not elected by general consent, but commonly owed his elevation to some violent movement or stratagem, such as the creation of a body-guard for him by the people, or the seizure of the citadel; and on the other hand, from the ancient king, whose right depended, not on usurpation, but on inheritance and traditionary acknowledgment. The power of a king might be more absolute than that of a tyrant; as Phidon of Argos is said to have made the royal prerogative greater than it was under his predecessors; yet he was still regarded as a king; for the difference between the two names depended on title and origin, and not on the manner in which the power was exercised. The name of tyrant was originally so far from denoting a person who abused his power, or treated his subjects with cruelty, that Pisistratus is praised for the moderation of his government. Afterwards, when tyrants themselves had become odious, the name also grew to be a word of reproach, just as rex did among the Romans. Among the early tyrants of Greece those most worthy of mention are: Clisthenes of Sicyon, grandfather of the Athenian Clisthenes, in whose family the government continued for a century since its establishment by Orthagoras, about B.C. 672; Cypselus of Corinth, who expelled the Bacchiadae, B.C. 656, and his son Periander, both remarkable for their cruelty; their dynasty lasted between seventy and eighty years; Procles of Epidaurus; Pantaleon of Pisa, who celebrated the thirty-fourth Olympiad, depriving the Eleans of the presidency; Theagenes of Megara, father-in-law to Cylon the Athenian; Pisistratus, whose sons were the last of the early tyrants on the Grecian continent. In Sicily, where tyranny most flourished, the principal were Phalaris of Agrigentum, who established his power in B.C. 568; Theron of Agrigentum; Gelon, already mentioned, who, in conjunction with Theron, defeated Hamilcar the Carthaginian, on the same day on which the battle of Salamis was fought; and Hieron, his brother: the last three celebrated by Pindar. The following also are worthy of notice: Polycrates of Samos; Lygdamis of Naxos; Histiaeus and Aristagoras of Miletus. Perhaps the last mentioned can hardly be classed among the Greek tyrants, as they were connected with the Persian monarchy. The general characteristics of a tyranny were, that it was bound by no laws, and had no recognised limitation to its authority, however it might be restrained in practice by the good disposition of the tyrant himself, or by fear, or by the spirit of the age. It was commonly most odious to the wealthy and noble, whom the tyrant looked upon with jealousy as a check upon his power, and whom he often sought to get rid of by sending them into exile or putting them to death. The tyrant usually kept a body-guard of foreign mercenaries, by aid of whom he controlled the people at home; but he seldom ventured to make war, for fear of giving an opportunity to his subjects to revolt. The causes which led to the decline of tyranny among the Greeks were partly the degeneracy of the tyrants themselves, corrupted by power, indolence, flattery, and bad education; for even where the father set a good example, it was seldom followed by the son; partly the cruelties and excesses of particular men, which brought them all into disrepute; and partly the growing spirit of inquiry among the Greek people, who began to speculate upon political theories, and soon became discontented with a form of government, which had nothing in theory, and little in practice, to recommend it. Few dynasties lasted beyond the third generation. Most of the tyrannies, which flourished before the Persian war, are said to have been overthrown by the exertions of Sparta, jealous, probably, of any innovation upon the old Doric constitution, especially of any tendency to ameliorate the condition of the Periocci, and anxious to extend her own influence over the states of Greece by means of the benefits which she conferred. Upon the fall of tyranny, the various republican forms of government were established, the Dorian states generally favouring oligarchy, the Ionian democracy. Of the tyrants of a later period, the most celebrated are the two Dionysii. The corruption of the Syracusans, their intestine discords, and the fear of the Carthaginian invaders, led to the appointment of Dionysius to the chief military command, with unlimited powers; by means of which he raised himself to the throne, B.C. 406, and reigned for 38 years, leaving his son to succeed him. The younger Dionysius, far inferior in every respect to his father, was expelled by Dion, afterwards regained the throne, and was again expelled by Timoleon, who restored liberty to the various states of Sicily.