ADVERTISEMENT.
THAT Dr. Stukeley had altered the plan of his intended History of the antient Celts, &c. mentioned in the Preface of the former part of this work, plainly appears by his publishing Stonehenge and Abury separately: but, as many of the Plates he left unpublished were undoubtedly intended for that Work, and others for a Second Volume of the Itinerarium, neither of which were ever completed; the Editor hopes it will give pleasure to the Learned to see those Plates, together with such of his Tracts as relate to them, collected into one Volume, and that they will be found not altogether unworthy of their attention;—sensible however that the many defects which must unavoidably happen in publishing a Posthumous Collection from loose papers, and notes carelessly thrown together, will stand in need of their candid indulgence.
The Itinerary of Richard of Cirencester, together with Dr. Stukeley’s Account of, and Observations upon it, were thought by some Friends of the Doctor a very proper addition. It is a tract truly valuable for the new light it has thrown on the study of British Antiquities, and being out of print is now become very scarce.
It may be expected that some account should in this place be given of the Author, and his Works. A Catalogue of those which have appeared in print we subjoin; and for his Life we refer the reader to Mr. Masters’s History of Benet College, Cambridge, printed in quarto, 1753; adding only, that he died March 3d, 1765, in his 78th year, and was buried in the church-yard of East-Ham in Essex, having ordered by his will that no memorial of him should be erected there.
| 4to. | An Account of Arthur’s Oon and the Roman Vallum in Scotland | 1720 |
| Fol. | Lecture on the Spleen | 1722 |
| Fol. | Itinerarium Curiosum | 1724 |
| 12mo. | A Treatise on the Cause and Cure of the Gout | 1734 |
| 4to. | An Explanation of a Silver Plate found at Risley in Derbyshire | 1736 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Sacra, No. 1. or Discourses on the Monuments of Antiquity that relate to Sacred History | 1736 |
| Fol. | Stonehenge, a Temple restored to the British Druids | 1740 |
| 4to. | A Sermon preached before the House of Commons, 30 Jan. 1741 | 1741 |
| Fol. | Abury, a Temple restored to the British Druids | 1743 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Britannica, No. 1. or Discourses on Monuments of Antiquity that relate to British History | 1743 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Britannica, No. 2. | 1746 |
| A Philosophic Hymn on Easter-Day | 1748 | |
| Verses on the Death of the Duke of Montagu | 1749 | |
| 4to. | A Sermon before the College of Physicians, 20 Sept. | 1750 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Britannica, No. 3. | 1751 |
| An Account of Lesnes Abbey, read before the Antiquarian Society, 12 April, 1753, and published in the Archæologia | ||
| An Account of the Eclipse predicted by Thales, published in Phil. Trans. Vol. 48 | ||
| An Account of the Sanctuary at Westminster, published in the Archæologia | 1755 | |
| 12mo. | The Philosophy of Earthquakes, 2 parts | 1755 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Britannica, No. 3. | |
| 4to. | Medallic History of Carausius, Emperor in Britain, part 1. | 1757 |
| 4to. | Medallic History of Carausius, part 2. | 1759 |
| 4to. | Palæographia Sacra, No. 2. | 1763 |
| 4to. | A Letter from Dr. Stukeley to Mr. Macpherson on his publication of Fingal and Temora, with a Print of Cathmor’s Shield | 1763 |
| Several Moral Papers in the Inspector. |
He was also engaged, at the time of his death, in a work entitled the Medallic History of the antient Kings of Britain; and had engraved 23 Plates of their Coins, which were published by his Executor; but the Manuscript was too imperfect to be given to the Public.
61·2d. CAESAR’S Camp called the Brill at PANCRAS. Stukely desig. dec 1758
The BRILL, Cæsar’s Camp at Pancras.
October 1758.
MANY and large volumes have been written on the celebrated city of London, which now, beyond doubt, for magnitude, splendor, riches, and traffic, exceeds every city upon the globe: the famous Pekin of China only boasts itself to be larger. London, then called Trinobantum, was a considerable trading emporium in British times, and before Cæsar’s arrival here. But the greatest curiosity of London, and what renders it highly illustrious, has never been observed by any writer: to give some account of it, is the purpose of this paper.
When I resided in London in the former part of my life, I proposed to myself, as a subject of inquiry, for my excursions now and then on horseback round the circuit of the metropolis, to trace out the journeyings of Cæsar in his British expeditions. This I account the æra from whence we derive the certain intelligence of the state and affairs of our native country. I was pretty successful therein, and made many drawings of his camps, and mansions; several of which I then engraved with a design of printing the copious memoirs I had wrote concerning them.
No subject concerning our own country antiquities could be more noble. But what I mean to speak of at this time, is a camp of his, which I have long since observed no farther off than Pancras church.
In all my former travels, I ever proposed an entertainment of the mind, in inquiries into matters of antiquity, a former state of things in my own country: and now it is easy to imagine the pleasure to be found in an agreeable walk from my situation in Queen’s Square, through the fields that lead me to the footsteps of Cæsar, when, without going to foreign parts, I can tread the ground which he trod. By finding out several of his camps, I was enabled, off-hand, to distinguish them; and they are very different from all others we meet withal.
It was the method of Roman discipline, to make a camp every night, though they marched the next morning; but in an expedition like Cæsar’s, in a new and unknown country, he was to trust to his own head, and the arms of his troops, more than to banks and ditches: yet, for the sake of discipline, a camp must be made every night; it was their mansion, and as an home; where was the prætorium, or general’s tent, and the Prætorian cohorts, as his guards; it was the residence of the majesty of the Roman genius, in the person of the commander; it was as a fixed point, subservient to order and regular discipline military; where and whence every portion and subdivision of an army knew their regular appointment and action.
This camp was very small; designed but for a night’s abode, unless the exigence of affairs required some stay: but the third part of the army lying under arms every night, prevented the danger of a surprise.
Cæsar, led on by divine Providence, entered our country in the year before the vulgar æra of Christ 54. the second time, about the middle of the month of July, as we now reckon, in his own Julian kalendar. I shall not recapitulate what I have observed of the footsteps of this great man in Kent; I hesitate not in believing that Carvilius, one of the four kings, as called, who attacked his camp while he was on this side the Thames, lived at Guildford; the name of the place shows it; the river was called Villy, or Willy, a common British name for rivers; so that Carvilius was a local title of honour, as was the British custom, like that of our present nobility: so Casvelhan, Cæsar’s opponent, was king of the Cassii, Cogidubnus of the Dobuni, Togodumnus of the Dumnonii, Taeog being Dux in British. It was the method of the British princes thus to take the names of towns, and of people, as it was the method of their ancestors the Midianites; of which we find an instance in Josephus, Antiq. IV. 7. Rekam, a king there, of the same name as his city, the capital of all Arabia; now Petra.
Cæsar passed the Thames at Coway stakes, notwithstanding the stakes: the town of Chertsey preserves a memorial of his name, as Cherburg in France: he pursued the Britons along the bank of the Thames as far as Sheperton, where the stakes were placed, and there pitched his camp with the back of it upon the Thames. At his camp on Greenfield common, near Staines, a splendid embassy came to him from the Londoners; desiring his alliance and protection, and that he would restore their prince Mandubrace, who was then in his retinue. To his little camp, or prætorium, on this account he orders another to be drawn round it, for reception of these ambassadors, and their prince, together with forty hostages which he demanded, and corn for his army.
Upon this, ambassadors came to him from the Cenimani, people of Cambridgeshire; the Segontiaci, Hampshire; Ancalites, Buckinghamshire; Bibroci, about Berkshire; and Cassii, of Hertfordshire; submitting themselves to him. For them he orders another appendix to his camp, to receive them.
When business was done with them, he moves forward to attack Casvelhan, who was retreated into his fortified town at Watford. One of his camps thitherward, is to be seen very fair on Hounslow heath, in the way to Longford; which I showed to lord Hertford then president, and to lord Winchelsea vice-president, of the Antiquarian Society, in April, 1723; who measured it, and expressed the greatest pleasure at the sight.
His next camp was at Kingsbury: it is now the church-yard, and still visible enough: its situation is high, and near the river Brent: the church stands in the middle of it.
From hence he went, and forced Casvelhan’s military oppidum at Watford, and Rickmansworth; a gravelly island of high ground, sylvis paludibusque munitum, as he expresses it; and by this he brought Casvelhan to submit. It is not my present purpose to speak largely on these particulars; but from hence he advanced towards London, effectually to settle his friend and ally Mandubrace, whose protection he had undertaken, in the kingdom of the Trinobantes; and reconcile him to his subjects, and to his uncle Casvelhan. Mandubrace was the son of Immanuence, commonly called Lud in the British story, which signifies the brown; who was killed by his ambitious brother Casvelhan, too near a neighbour to London; his residence being at Harrow on the hill, and Edgeware called Suellaniacis from him: he likewise forced Mandubrace to fly to Cæsar in Gaul, to implore his aid: the great Roman was not averse to so favourable an opportunity of advancing his glory, by invading Britain, a new world.
58·2d.
Stukeley delin.
Toms Sculp.
Prospect of Cæsars Camp at Sheparton Oct: 28 1723
A. Way to Domsday bushes & Chertsey B. Way to Littleton & Greenfield Common C. Lords bridge DD. Plain Works of the Outer Ditch EE. of the Inner F. a Canal dug this year G. the Antient Course of Ashford Brook
60·2d. CAESARS Camp on Hounslow heath. 18 Apr. 1723.
62·2d.
W Stukeley delin 20 Sept 1767
CAESAR’S Camp at Kingsbury, the Church built of Roman Bricks from the City of VERULAM.
63·2d. Ravensbury a Roman Camp near Hexton Bedfr. 10 Iuly 1724.
Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall Sculp.
Simoni Degg Ar. d.d. W. Stukeley
It was not suitable to his honour, or his security, to quarter in the city of London; but he pitched his camp, where now is Pancras church: his prætorium is still very plain, overagainst the church, in the foot-path, on the west side of the brook; the vallum and the ditch visible: its breadth from east to west forty paces; its length from north to south sixty paces.
This was his prætorium, where his own tent was pitched in the centre; the prætorian cohorts around it. There was no great magnificence in Cæsar’s tent, here placed; it was not his manner. L. Aurunculeius Cotta, who was here present, in his commentaries writes, when Cæsar was in Britain, although he had acquired the highest fame by his great actions, yet was he so temperate in his manner of life, such a stranger to pomp, that he had only three servants in his tent. Cotta was killed the next year in Gaul. When I came attentively to consider the situation of it, and the circumjacent ground, I easily discerned the traces of his whole camp: a great many ditches, or divisions of the pastures, retain footsteps of the plan of the camp; agreeable to their usual form, as in the plate engraved: and whenever I take a walk thither, I enjoy a visionary scene of the whole camp of Cæsar, as described in the Plate before us; a scene as just as if beheld, and Cæsar present.
His army consisted of about 40,000 men, four legions with their horse. After long debate of authors concerning the quantity of a Roman legion, I infer, from Josephus so very often using the expression of ten thousand, many ten thousands, and the like, that the usual and general number of soldiers in a legion was ten thousand.
Authors generally state a legion at 6666 men; but they must mean strictly the soldiery, without officers or horse: so that I conclude a complete legion of foot and horse to be 10,000. Polibius, Vol. 2. book iii. writes, in the war of Hannibal, each legion consisted of 5000, besides the auxiliaries, together with 900 horse; and therefore we may well judge, a legion with its officers should be reckoned 10,000.
| Romans | 5000 |
| Auxiliaries | 4000 |
| Horse | 900 |
| Officers | 100 |
| ——— | |
| 10,000 |
Strabo writes, the Romans generally had their horses from Gaul.
Cæsar had now no apparent enemy; he had leisure to repose his men, after their military toil. He was in the territory of a friend and ally of the Roman state, whom he had highly obliged in restoring him to his paternal kingdom: nor was it his purpose to abide here for any time: he therefore did not fortify his whole camp with a broad ditch and vallum for security; but the army was disposed in its ordinary form and manner: it might be bounded by a slight ditch and bank, as that of the whole length of the camp on the west side, (the foot-path from the bowling-green accompanying; or it might be staked out with pallisado’s called valli) which returns again on part of the north side, at the porta decumana, till it meets the ditch that passes on the west of Cæsar’s prætorium, and so continued downward, to the houses at the Brill.
This last-mentioned ditch runs on the line that separated the column of the horse from the Triarii, on the west side of the camp; the foot-way from the Brill accompanying it all the way. The porta decumana is left open in the back of the camp. The same of the porta prætoria; but the bounds of the camp here at the south-west corner are visible in two parallel banks remaining; the upper surface of the earth between them, has been dug away for making bricks.
The oddness of the present division of the north-west pasture, inclosed by that of the postica castrorum, preserves evident tokens of the camp: the elbow to the west, concurring with a ditch on the eastern border of the whole camp, preserves the track of the via sagularis; here the baggage and carriages were placed: it extended itself behind the prætorium. Pancras church stands upon this way.
The north-west field before specified is bounded by a ditch, which marks out the street, that runs along the front of the prætorium; along which were set the tents of the officers, the præfecti of the horse, and tribunes of the foot; along with the ensigns and standards of the horse and foot, which were pitched in a line in the ground.
On the west side of the prætorium, in this pasture, was the open place, a square area, comprehended between the via principalis, or principia, and the via sagularis, called the questorium: this was the quarters of the quæstor, M. Crassus; a promising young man, who afterwards fell with his father, the triumvir, in Parthia. Pompey married his widow. Hither the soldiers repaired to receive their allowance of pay and provision: on the west side of it was the quæstor’s tent, the military chest, the stores: just beyond, northward was the station of Comius of Arras, auxiliary to Cæsar, with the Gaulish troops under his command; likewise the tents of the Gaulish princes, which Cæsar brought over with him to prevent their revolting in his absence; among whom was the son of Indutiomarus prince of the Treviri.
Come we to the via prætoria, or principal street of the camp, extending along the middle line from the prætorium to the houses at the Brill; where is the porta prætoria at the frons castrorum. The gate between the two houses at the Brill, leading into the pasture there, which pasture was the station of the horse, is in the very line of the via prætoria. The front of the camp is bounded by a spring with a little current of water, running from the west, across the Brill, into the Fleet brook: the lane out of the great road, along this spring, terminates in the frons castrorum, as an avenue to it; and may be ancienter than the road along the valley, where the river runs, to Pancras. This Brill was the occasion of the road directly from the city originally going along the side of the brook by Bagnigge; the way to Highgate being at first by Copenhagen house, which is the strait road thither from Gray’s-inn lane, and before that of the valley to Pancras, called Longwich in Norden’s Speculum.
It is not a little remarkable, that the name of Brill should through so many ages preserve the sure memorial of this most respectable monument of Julius Cæsar’s camp. Camden, the Pausanias of Britain, a genius great in his way as Julius Cæsar, takes notice, in Buckinghamshire, “of the ancient Roman burgh, where much Roman money is found, called the Brill; which was afterward a royal village of Edward the Confessor’s; and, instead of Bury-hill, is by contraction called Brill.”
In the additions to Camden’s Britannia, Sussex, thus we read: “Hard by Chichester, toward the west, there has been a large Roman camp, called the Brile, of an oblong form, four furlongs and two perches in length, two furlongs in breadth: it lies in a flat low ground, with a great rampire and single graff; probably Vespasian’s camp, after his landing.” And the like must be said of the Brill in the Netherlands, probably too one of Cæsar’s camps.
This camp at Pancras has the brook running quite through the middle of it: it arises from seven springs on the south side of the hill between Hampstead and Highgate, by Caen wood: there it forms several large ponds, passes by here, by the name of Fleet, washes the west side of the city of London, and gives name to Fleet-street. This brook was formerly called the River of Wells, from the many springs above, which our ancestors called Wells: and it may be thought to have been more considerable in former times, than at present; for now the major part of its water is carried off in pipes, to furnish Kentish-town, Pancras, and Tottenham court: but even now, in great rains, the valley is covered over with water. Go a quarter of a mile higher toward Kentish-town, and you may have a just notion of its appearance at that time, only with this difference, that it is there broader and deeper from the current of so many years. It must further be considered, that the channel of this brook, through so many centuries, and by its being made the public north road from London to Highgate, is very much lowered and widened since Cæsar’s time. It was then no sort of embarrassment to the camp, but an admirable convenience for watering, being contained in narrow banks, not deep: the breadth and depth is made by long tract of time. The ancient road by Copenhagen, wanting repair, induced passengers to take this gravelly valley, become much larger than in Cæsar’s time. The old division runs along that road between Finsbury and Holborn division, going in a strait line from Gray’s-inn lane to Highgate: its antiquity is shown it its name, Madan-lane.
Let us pass the brook, and consider the eastern half of the camp; only remarking, that a ditch at present dividing the two pastures, which was the station of the horse, is continued across the brook and road, to that eastern half of the camp, and marks, when properly continued, the two gates on the west and east side of the camp, called porta quæstoria and porta principalis sinistra: below it is the other cross road of the camp, called via Quintana.
To the east of the prætorium was a square plot, analogous to the questorium: this was called the forum; this at present includes the church-yard to its eastern fence, with the houses, the grove and kitchen garden precisely. To the east of the forum was the quarter of the legates. Sulpitius Rufus, whose coin I have given above, we may justly suppose one of them: he is mentioned by Cæsar as his legate in the civil war; all the time with him in Gaul: and we can have no scruple in thinking he was with him in Britain too. The coin is in Goltzius’s Julius Cæsar, but reversed, Tab. ix. 1. he gives no explication of it: it is in gold, but imperfect, here supplied. Publius Sulpitius Rufus, mint-master to Cæsar, here celebrates a naval expedition of the emperor’s; and not unlikely his British. Cæsar on a galley with the eagle in his hand: the Genius of Rome follows him. It is said, he was the first of the Romans that leaped on the British shore: finding the soldiers slack in landing, he took a standard in his hand, and went before them. Cæsar himself says the standard-bearer of the tenth legion did so.
The coin was struck by him, when governor of some province under Cæsar, probably Spain, where at Carthagena, in the Franciscan monastery, remains his monument, thus in Gruter. MCCCCXXIII.
P. SVLPICIVS Q. F. Q. N. COL.
HIC SITVS EST ILLE PROBATVS
IVDICIEIS MVLTEIS COGNATIS
ATQVE PRIVIGNEIS.
C. Trebonius was another legate, a commander of horse, mentioned B. G. V. 17.
North of the church-yard is a square moted about, in length north and south forty paces, in breadth east and west thirty; the entrance to the west: it was originally the prætorium of Mandubrace, king of London, and of the Trinobantes. The ditches have been dug deep to make a kitchen-garden for the rector of the church, from whom I suppose in after-times it has been alienated. All the ground of the camp beyond the via sagularis was ever allotted to auxiliary troops, and allies.
This honour of a prætorium was allotted to Mandubrace, now confirmed in his kingdom, an associate of Cæsar’s, and friend declared to the Roman commonwealth; and to give him more authority with his own people.
Hither Casvelhan was sent for, and reconciled to his nephew, enjoined not to injure him, as an ally of Rome; assigned what tribute he should annually pay, what number of hostages he should send to him into Gaul: for now he was upon returning, having accomplished all that he proposed, and the time of the autumnal equinox approaching. It was now September, and 54 years before the vulgar Christian æra.
To the north of the eastern half of the camp, a bank and ditch marks the outward bound there, in a strait line, and becomes crooked as it goes eastward, just where ends the original northern bound of the camp. To the south, where was the frons castrorum at the houses of the Brill, one would reasonably suppose, there might formerly remain much more evident marks of the camp, as it is so far distant from the prætorium: there might have been a more considerable vallum and ditch quite around the camp, than now any where appears; and then it is natural to think, the name of the camp, as called by our Saxon ancestors, the Brill, would be fixed to the habitable part, the houses, as now.
In the first field of the duke of Bedford’s, by Southampton row, the vallum and ditch runs, which was drawn quite round London and Southwark in the civil wars: they afterwards levelled it, and it is now scarce discernible, which is but 100 years ago; Cæsar’s 1800.
54·2d. Cæsars passage over the Stour by Chilham and Julabers grave. drawn 10 Oct 1722.
W. Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall Sculp.
55·2d. View from a Roman tumulus upon the Watlin street by the Mill on Barham downs. 10. Oct. 1722.
W. Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall Sculp.
56·2d. Prospect of Iulabers grave 11 Oct 1724.
Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall Sculp.
57·2d.
Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall Sculp.
Prospect of Julabers grave from Chilham. May 24. 1725.
This drawing is taken from the Woolpack Inn.
A. Julabers grave.
59·2d.
Cæsars Camp on Greenfield Common, between Ashford and Lalam, near Stanes. Oct. 27. 1723. Lalam Church bears 10d. W. of South, a Brook to the East, but farther off than here exprest. This Brook runs into ye Thames by his Camp at Sheperton.
Cæsar in his Commentaries, B. Gall. iv. 27. writes, the Britons, in asking peace after being vanquished, brought some hostages according to Cæsar’s command, and promised to bring the rest in a few days, as to be fetched from more distant parts: in the mean time they disbanded their armies; the princes of the country came from all quarters, recommending themselves and their principalities to Cæsar. Hence it is obvious, he staid here many days.
A bank is visible in the pasture between the Brill and end of Copenhagen road, in the south-east pasture, the boundary of the camp: we may discern, it is somewhat oblique, not in a true line with the rest of the frons castrorum; but I suppose this owing to the curve of the river eastward to Battle-bridge: they therefore made this bank in a square to the river.
We may observe a portion still visible of the original boundary of the camp eastward, in that part called latera prætoria, being at present a watery ditch; and further downward, the foot-path between two banks observes the like direction; and the ground of the porta principalis, between them, is open and unfenced.
I judge, I have performed my promise, in giving an account of this greatest curiosity of the renowned city of London; so illustrious a monument of the greatest of the Roman generals, which has withstood the waste of time for more than eighteen centuries, and passed unnoticed, but half a mile off the metropolis. I shall only add this observation, that when I came to survey this plot of ground, to make a map of it, by pacing, I found every where even and great numbers, and what I have often formerly observed in Roman works: whence we may safely affirm, the Roman camp-master laid out his works by pacing. To give some particulars.
The measure is taken from the inside of the ditch, or the line between the vallum and the ditch: the space of ground, which the camp-master paces, the workmen throw inward to compose the vallum.
The camp on Barham downs contains in breadth thirty paces, length sixty. The camp at Wrotham, in breadth thirty paces, in length forty. At Walton by the Thames, it is a square of fifty paces. The foss here is converted into a mote, as here the prætorium of Mandubrace: so the camp at Sheperton is a square of the same dimensions, and the foss turned into a mote, and made an orchard: we observe here at Sheperton the prætorium is made on the bank of the river Thames; the postica castrorum, beyond the via sagularis, neglected. While Cæsar was pitched here, the turn of the auxiliaries to be in arms all night, with the other part of the troops, whose duty it was, came on: and the general’s intention was but to stay one night in this place; so there was no need to mark out their places in the camp. The stakes placed here in the river, by the Britons against Cæsar, were now a sufficient security behind him. Cæsar practised the same method when he fought the Belgæ: passing the river Axona, he placed his camp with the river behind him, that he might not be attacked from that quarter.
Cæsar’s camp on Greenfield common is forty paces broad, sixty long. Here he received the ambassadors of the Trinobantes, desiring their prince Mandubrace to be restored: they bring forty hostages and bread-corn for the army. For their reception another camp is made around this, which is 80 paces broad, 100 long. Another day came in ambassadors from the Cenimani, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci, and Cassii. This obliged the camp-master to add the appendix to the camps, which was of the breadth of 100 paces, equal to the length of the last; 130 in length, stretching out to the east: but in the ground-plot of that camp we see an egregious proof of my position, that they went by paces in marking out their camps; and sometimes by guess-work, in the square; which obliged the camp-master to carry his 130 paces beyond the angle of the former camp. Concerning the method of adding new occasional works to a former camp, we observe a like instance in that camp of Chlorus’s between Clarendon palace and Old Sarum; made, we may well presume, on the states of Britain sending their ambassadors hither to him, with submission to his government after the destruction of Allectus.
Cæsar’s camp on Hounslow heath is very perfect, sixty paces square. His camp at Kingsbury is thirty paces broad, and forty in length.
Come we now to our work at Pancras. The prætorium is forty paces broad from east to west, fifty paces long from north to south: the prætorium of Mandubrace is thirty paces long from east to west, forty from north to south: thereby it accommodated itself to that part of the camp, that was called retentura.
The breadth of the whole camp was 400 paces, not reckoning the valley of the brook: the length of the whole is 500 paces. Examine the intermediate parts, they fall into whole numbers: the breadth of the pasture, comprehending the station of the Hastati and Triarii, on the west side of the camp, is 150 paces: that of the horse is forty broad: the correspondent, or eastern part of the camp, is likewise 150 paces broad, comprehending the station of the Triarii and Hastati; so that, subducting the space of the valley where the brook runs, the whole breadth of the camp, where the tents are pitched, contains 340 paces: a space beyond, on each side, of thirty paces wide, is supposed to be left between the tents and the vallum, where a camp is fortified: and then the camp contains just 400 paces broad.
The camp is in length 500 paces: the thirty paces beyond, for the way between the tents and vallum, (where a vallum is made) amounts to 560; so that the proportion of length to breadth is as 3 to 2; where strength and convenience is well adjusted, and is often the proportion of Roman cities. This space of ground was sufficient for Cæsar’s army, according to Roman discipline; for, if he had 40,000 men, a third part of them were upon guard.
The recovery of this most noble antiquity will give pleasure to a British antiquary; especially an inhabitant of London, whereof it is a singular glory: it renders the walk over the beautiful fields to the Brill doubly agreeable, when, at half a mile distance, we can tread in the very steps of the Roman camp-master, and of the greatest of the Roman generals.
We need not wonder that the traces of this camp, so near the metropolis, are so nearly worn out: we may rather wonder, that so much is left, when a proper sagacity in these matters may discern them; and be assured, that somewhat more than three or four sorry houses, is commemorated under the name of the Brill: nor is it unworthy of remark, as an evident confirmation of our system, that all the ditches and fences now upon the ground, have a manifest respect to the principal members of the original plan of the camp.
In this camp at Pancras, Cæsar made the two British kings friends; Casvelhan, and his nephew Mandubrace: the latter, I suppose, presented him with that corslet of pearls, which he gave to Venus in the temple at Rome, which he built to her, as the foundress of his family.—Pliny and Solinus.
Mr. White of Newgate-street has a gold British coin, found in an urn in Oxfordshire, together with a gold ring set with a pearl.
When Cæsar returned, he found letters to him, acquainting him with his daughter Julia’s death. Plutarch.
I shall conclude with this observation, that on Cæsar’s return to the continent, the Morini, inhabiting the opposite shore, lay in wait for his men, hoping to obtain great spoils. This was in his first expedition: it shows Britain was not so despicable a country as authors generally make it: much more might they have expected it in return from his second expedition, when the nations of the Cattichlani, Bibroci, Ancalites, Trinobantes, Cenimani, Segontiaci, sent ambassadors to him, seeking his favour; all charged with magnificent gifts: and, beyond doubt, the Londoners were not slack, for so great a favour as protecting them from the insults of Casvelhan, and restoring to them their king Mandubrace.
Cæsar, having accomplished his purposes here, returned by Smallbury green, in order to pass the Thames again at Chertsey. Smallbury green was then an open place as now, and has its name from his prætorium, like this at the Brill: the road lately went round it on the north side; and gravel had long been dug from it, to mend the road; yet I could discern part of it, till, three years ago, they made a new road across the green, and totally ruined the prætorium. There is a spring arises at the place.
It is fit we should say somewhat of the city of London, the glory of Britain. Cæsar calls the inhabitants of this country Trinobantes: it comprehends Middlesex and Essex on this side the river; Surry on the other. The name of Trinobantes is derived from Trinobantum, the most ancient name of London: it signifies the city of the Novii, or Novantes, the original name of the people called Trinobantes by Cæsar. Tri, or Tre, in the very old British dialect, imports a fortified city. Many names of this kind still remain, in Cornwall especially.
Noviomagus most certainly is Croydon in Surry. Magus in British signifies a city on a down, or heath. Newington on the South of London, and Newington on the north, retain evident remains of the name of the Novantes.
In many coins of the great king Cunobeline, nephew of our prince Mandubrace, we have inscribed TASCIO NOVANTVM, meaning the tribute of the Londoners, and of the people Novantes, dependent on them, called by Cæsar Trinobantes.
The Novii, or Novantes, the original people of this country, knew how to take the proper advantage of the noble river Thames, and built this their fortified city of Trinobantum upon a most convenient situation, celebrated by all writers. The inhabitants of this potent city carried on a very considerable trade with the continent, and were rich and flourishing, as those numerous coins of Cunobeline are evidences beyond all exception. Londinium copia negotiatorum & commeatuum maxime celebre, says Tacitus. These coins are in gold, silver, copper: I have engraved twenty-three plates of them. Nor, in my opinion, have we reason to doubt of Billings-gate being built by him, as his royal custom-house; and why Ludgate should not take name from Immanuence Lud, father of our prince Mandubrace, I see not. The business of a society of antiquaries is to separate truth from fable, by evidence, by reason, and judgement. Authors are certainly mistaken in thinking our British ancestors a rude and barbarous people. Need we a further testimony of our continental trade, Cæsar speaks of the Gaulish merchants who traded hither: he convened them together to inquire concerning the nature of the country; and I have the strongest reasons in the world to induce me to believe, that Britain was peopled before the opposite continent, by a great and polite nation; and that our British coins are the oldest of any in Europe.
Cunobeline, very young, was carried to Rome by his uncle Mandubrace, four years after Cæsar’s expedition here, and his restitution to the kingdom of the Trinobantes. Cunobeline became well acquainted, and even intimate with Augustus, in the dawning of his power; being about the same age. Augustus entertained a great kindness for him; and he bore a share in his warfare, being præfect of a Roman legion, the XX. VV. called Cretica, as Richard of Cirencester informs us; which is the reason that he so often struck the figure of a boar on his British coins, that being the ensign and cognisance of the legion. After he returned, and was king of Britain, he kept up a friendship and correspondence with Augustus, during his whole, and that a very long life. He struck many coins in honour of Augustus, and the plainest imitations of the coins of Augustus. He sent him magnificent presents, paid a tribute to him, built the city Cæsaromagus in compliment to him. He celebrated the Actiac games like those done by Agrippa at Rome, by Herod at Cæsarea, and many other states of the Roman empire. By these means he staved off, for his life, an actual subjection of Britain to the Romans.
I cannot agree with my late learned friend Mr. Baxter in his derivation of Trinobantum, that it is of Belgic original. The word Tri or Tre of the old Cornish, prefixed, sufficiently confutes the notion: here is none of the Belgic pronunciation, as in the west of England. Cæsar’s assertion of the supereminent power of the Trinobantes, shows they were an aboriginal people: they had indeed been under some sort of subjection to the Cassii, or Cattichleuni; but that may have been recent, when Casvelhan invaded them, and slew their king, his brother Immanuence, father to our Mandubrace, as Cæsar tells us.
The very name of their neighbours, Cattichleuni, confirms our opinion; signifying the clan of the Cassii; a most ancient word of the Britons, equivalent to the Latin civitas, used by Cæsar; still in use in Scotland. Baxter owns the Cassii to be of Frisian, or British origin.
This word Frisian puts us in mind of the British stories of Trinobantum being Troja nova, built by the wandering Trojans: so deep rooted among our ancestors is the notion of a Trojan original. I know several foundations that may be assigned for this notion: one seems to come from the utmost source of antiquity, the founder of the British nation, APHER, grandson of ABRAHAM: for which I can bring very large proofs, not so much pertaining to this place. He is the Greek Phryxus, a near relation to Melicerta or Melcartus, the Tyrian Hercules: he founded the Phrygians; he gave name to Africa, and Britain; so that Phrygii, Frisones, and Bryges, Britones, Brigantes, are all words in different pronunciation meaning the same. Of it I say no more at present, than that it further illustrates my opinion of the Trinobantes being most ancient, an aboriginal people here; and that their city was fenced about, whether with a wall, or with a vallum, and ditch, I cannot pretend to say, any more than when it was first called Londinium: and it is not my humour to carry conjectures beyond what they will reasonably bear. But I think I am not distant from truth, when I judge the Novii to be the same as the Nubæ of Africa, on the west side the Nile; neighbour to the Troglodites, says Strabo: these were neighbours too to the Arabians; the Red sea between them: natural navigators they must needs be. And Josephus makes the children of ABRAHAM by Keturah to be settled by him in Trogloditis, and Arabia the Happy, upon the Red sea. Antiq. i. 15. The colony of these people at Cadiz is always said to come from the Red sea. Pliny mentions the Nubæi, a people of Arabia Deserta.
Further, Novantæ are a people in the west of Scotland, now Galloway. Novantum promontorium, the Mull, Chersonesus, and Novaritæ; and the city Novantia, north of Severus’s wall. The river Nid, in Scotland, is called Novius. No reason to think either one or the other of Belgic original, but undoubtedly a colony of our Trinobantes.
Josephus, in his xiv. of the antiquities of the Jews, gives us the decree of the senate and people of Pergamus, in favour of the Jews; setting forth, “Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of mankind, and are ambitious to settle their confederates and friends in happiness, and in firm peace—”
The decree proceeds as at large set forth by Josephus, and well worthy perusal; concluding, “That the Jews would remember, their ancestors were friendly to the Jews, even in the days of ABRAHAM, who was the father of the Hebrews; as we have also found it set down in our public records.” Many useful observations may be made from this testimony.
1. We learn hence, mankind at that time, which was but about forty years before the vulgar Christian æra, had the same notion of the Romans, as I have enlarged upon in chap. 1. of the Medallic History of Carausius. The Romans, for their valour, virtue, fortitude and temperance, were the nation chosen by divine Providence to conquer, polish, and set free, all the world, to prepare for the advent of Messiah.
2. These Phrygians were a colony of the defendants of ABRAHAM by Keturah. At Pergamus the ancient and famous physician Æsculapius had a shop, and practised physic, as Lucian testifies. Midian, the father of Phryxus, APHER, was a great physician, and no other than the Greek Chiron; as I have shown elsewhere: so our Druids, the people of APHER, were famous for medicine. The Genius of physic remained at the place: the famous Galen was born here.
3. These people assert, what they say is written in their public records; so that they had an early use of letters, from the Abrahamic family: our Druids likewise had the use of letters from the same fountain.
4. What they say is confirmed by the Lacedemonians claiming like kindred to the Jews; as we read in Maccabees, xii. 19. 23. and Josephus, xii. 4. 10. Mr. Whiston mentions, on this occasion, the testimony of the Armenian writer, Moses Chorenensis; affirming that Arsaces, founder of the Parthian empire, was of the seed of ABRAHAM, by Keturah: and thus we find this posterity of the great patriarch, from Britain by sea, to Parthia by land; the extent of the habitable world: and Josephus often mentions his countrymen the Jews exceeding numerous, in after-times, in every country and city throughout the habitable world; which is true to this very day, both in respect to Jews, properly speaking, by Sarah, as well as the Arabians by Hagar, and Keturah: for by these latter all Asia and Africa are at this day peopled: the signal favour of God to the greatest of all men, ABRAHAM.
Return we to the city of Trinobantum. I shall mark out the original form, which we may conceive it to have been of, in the time we are writing of. If we look on the plan of London, which I engraved long ago in my Itiner. Cur. we discern, the original ground-plot of the oldest part of the city is comprehended, in length, from Ludgate to the present Walbroke; in breadth, from Maiden-lane, Lad-lane, Cateaton-street, to the Thames. This makes an oblong square, in proportion as 2 to 3: I have there made it to be composed of two principal streets, crossing two other principal streets; which makes nine principal quadrangular spaces, for the habitations, area’s, and public buildings.
I have reason still to acquiesce in this disposition of the most ancient city of London; as we must suppose it in the time of Immanuence, father to Cæsar’s ally Mandubrace, whom he now resettled therein. I am very much confirmed in my opinion, by the ground-plot I have lately made of Cæsaromagus, now Chelmsford, built by Mandubrace’s nephew, the great king Cunobeline, to the honour of Augustus, his great friend and ally; for that city was exactly of the same form and disposition.
Hence then we gather, the oldest London was bounded on the west by Ludgate, and the wall there; on the east, by the current or rivulet called Walbroke, coming from the morass of Moorfields; which morassy ground extended to Smithfield, and guarded the whole north side of the city; as the Thames on the south: it is well known, that the Mansion-house stands on a great and deep morassy ditch; that the foundation of it cost a very great sum, in driving piles, and the like, to set the building upon. The city of London is situate much as Alexander projected for Alexandria, between a morass and the sea.
Here was a natural and good boundary on all sides. To the west was a steep cliff hanging over the rivulet of Fleet: its steepness is very considerable now, as may be seen about the Old Bailey, where is at present a flight of steps, through the old wall: in former days it was much more considerable: the other sides had the river and water; so that the spot pitched upon for the city must be reckoned very judicious: the soil a hard and dry gravel.
There is the strongest confirmation for this assignment, deducible from observing three principal roads leading from the gate of Walbroke, at the end of the Poultry, at Stocks market, or the Mansion-house: Cornhill was the great road directly into Essex: Lombard-street conducted to Cunobeline’s custom-house, Billingsgate: Threadneedle-street and Broad-street went obliquely toward the north-east, and the present Bishops-gate, and so in later times to the great Roman road called Hermen-street, crossing the Thames where London bridge now is; making a meridian line through the length of the island.
By collating several old plans of London, I discern there were four principal streets running from west to east. 1. The Watling-street, from Ludgate. 2. Thames-street, the boundary toward the river: this on the right hand of Watling-street. 3. On the left hand, Cheapside, Pater-noster row being originally part thereof: at the end of it, beyond the Poultry was the eastern gate of the city. 4. That called Maiden-lane, and Cateaton-street, which was the northern boundary of the city, and running along the original wall of it.
47·2d. Caesaromagus Chelmsford built by King Cunobeline
P. Benazech Sculp.
48·2d. CAMVLODVNVM
Colonia.
49·2d.
G. V.ᵈʳ Gucht Scul.
C. JVLIVS CAESAR.
In marmore penes Cl. Ric Mead M.D. sui tabulam dicat Wm. Stukeley. 1722.
50·2d. The Carpentry of Cæsars bridg over the Rhine.
Stukeley delin.
51·2d. The Side view of Cæsars bridg.
Stukeley delin.
52·2d.
Cæsars camp at Deal, in his first Expedition into Britain.
Illustrissimo Heneagio Comiti Winchilsea Militiæ Cæsareæ Specimen d. d.
Guliel. Stukeley
Stukeley design.
Toms Sculp.
53·2d. Cæsars Camp upon Barham Down. drawn 10. Oct. 1722.
W. Stukeley delin.
E. Kirkall sculp.
This being the first form of the city, its proportion of length to breadth was as 3 to 2. Now, for the cross streets, I conceive one to have been that of St. Martin’s lane from Aldersgate continued downward to Paul’s wharf; the next was from Aldermanbury and Bow-lane, to Queenhithe: the other, Walbroke to Dowgate, or Watergate, being the outfall of the rivulet; boundary of the eastern wall of the original city, as in in the time of Mandubrace. The street which accompanied the western wall, on the inside Ludgate, is quite absorbed by houses at present.
There might then have been many lesser cross streets both ways, of which we cannot now take any account, our purpose being to consider it only in the great; but there are many collateral indications of the justness of our assignment: it would be a trifling minuteness to push conjectures farther, than to observe the gate on the south side was at Queen-hithe.
Thus we see a great conformity between old London and Cunobeline’s Cæsaromagus, especially as to the general distribution and design; the four gates of the sides corresponding to different streets obliquely.
Afterwards, when the Romans became possessed of the island, and made the great roads across the kingdom, three of them had respect to this metropolis, but none went precisely through it; and such was often their method. The Watling-street, from Chester to Dover, came by Tyburn, crossed the Thames at Stanegate, by Lambeth, and so to Shooters’ hill: this is crossed at Tyburn by another equally strait, but unnoticed by any writer, reaching across the kingdom from Chichester to Dunwich in Suffolk: I call it via Iceniana: it goes by Old-street north of the city, and is the high road of Essex to Colchester; but, when the Romans found it useful to enlarge this city by a new wall, they made a branch to proceed from St. Giles’s, which we call Holborn, and so built a gate at Newgate, and continued the road to Cheapside.
A third road is the Hermen-street from the sea-side in Sussex to Scotland: it went by Bishops-gate, but on the eastern and outside of the city, till its enlargement; and that enlargement was done by Constantine the Great, or by his mother the empress Helena, our country-woman: and we may well credit the reports of the Britons concerning this matter. Then it acquired the title of Londinium Augusta: then it was that the Tower was built; an armamentarium, as the castle of Colchester, of the same manner and model of building, Roman brick and stone; a chapel with a semicircular window, as Colchester, and dedicated to St. Helena. This in after-times; but in regard to the age we are treating on, that of Cæsar and our aboriginal Britons, it is a just enquiry, after we have given the plan of primitive London of the Novantes, Where may we suppose their temple to have been? for assuredly we must pronounce, that, whenever the ancients built a city, they certainly took care to erect a temple for divine worship.
In answer to this enquiry, we are to reflect, that the Britons were under the ecclesiastic regimen of the Druids, who were of the patriarchal religion, the religion indeed of ABRAHAM: for they came from him. We find in sacred writ, wherever he removed from one country to another, “there builded he an altar to Jehovah, and invoked in the name of Jehovah,” who sometimes personally appeared to him: consequently we must infer Jehovah to be the Messiah, or Son of God, in an angelic form.
Other times ABRAHAM removed into a country abounding with groves of oak; sometimes he planted a grove of oak for religious purposes, as a temple. All these things the Druids did; they built such open temples as the great patriarch; they used oak-groves, or planted oak-groves as temples: we cannot say that Jehovah appeared personally to them; yet we may well think they were sometimes vouchsafed the spirit of prophecy, and particularly in regard to Messiah, who they knew was to be born of a virgin, and likewise was to be born at the winter solstice, whence their famous misleto solemnity.
Moreover, at Chartres in France, which was the place of the principal meeting of the Gaulish Druids, there is now a magnificent church, built upon the spot where then was that most celebrated open temple: for the Druids very easily passed over into christianity; the transition was but natural. This church is dedicated to the Mother of God, as they there style the virgin Mary: there is under it a chapel cut in the rock, with a flight of stairs descending to it: on the door of the frontispiece is this inscription in Latin,
“To the Virgin who bears the Child.”
I apprehend this to be analogous to the caves of Mithras in Persia; for Mithras is Mediator, or Messiah; and they say there, that Mithras was born in such a rocky cave; and they worship him therein. Both the ancient Persians and the Druids, who were of the same patriarchal religion, had the same notion of the Messiah to be born in the rocky stable at Bethlehem.
We have many instances of Druid men and women endowed with the spirit of prophecy. I shall mention but one, out of Josephus, Antiq. xviii. The Jewish Agrippa fell into the displeasure of Tiberius, who put him in bonds. As he stood leaning against a tree before the palace, an owl perched upon that tree: a German Druid, one of the emperor’s guards, spoke to him to be of good cheer, for he should be released from those bonds, and arrive at great dignity and power; but bid him remember, that when he saw that bird again, he should live but five days. All this came to pass: he was made king by Caligula; St. Paul preached before him: Josephus speaks of his death, agreeable to the prediction. But concerning the Druids, I have before now opened my mind largely, in some papers read at the Antiquarian Society; wherein I have sufficiently vindicated them from the imputation of paganism and idolatry.
As to the temple belonging to the city of Trinobantum, or London, we may be assured, they erected no temple within the city. When the Romans became masters here, they built a temple of their own form, to Diana, where now St. Paul’s stands: they placed it in the open space, then the forum; but the British temple, appropriate to the city, was upon the open rising ground to the west, where now is Knave’s-acre. The name of the place both gives a very good foundation to my opinion, and also at the same time acquaints us with the particular form of the temple: for the Druids, as I have shown, had three kinds of temples, of the patriarchal mode. 1. The round, or circular work of upright stones, innumerable to be seen. 2. The serpentine temple, or a snake transmitted through a circle; as those of Abury and Shap. 3. The alate, or winged temple, composed of a circle and wings: and this was the sort of temple here placed; of which the name of Knaves-acre is a sure memorial. This was made only of mounds of earth, in Latin agger, thrown out of the ditch camp-fashion: this word is corrupted into acre. The word knave is oriental, canaph, volavit; the Kneph of the Egyptians; by which they meant the Deity, in the most ancient times, before idolatry prevailed.
The form of our alate temple here exactly corresponds with that now to be seen on Navestock common, Epping forest; which name of Navestock preserves its memorial, meaning the sacred tree by the alate temple: it is composed of mounds of earth and ditch; as ours was at Knaves-acre.
Observe, the word agger remains at Edgeware, the Suellanacis of our king Casvelhan, uncle to Mandubrace: it is the Roman road called Watling-street. Egham by Stanes acknowledges the like derivation, being upon the via Trinobantica at Stanes, the Ad Pontes of the Romans. Many more like instances I could give.
These sort of temples were properly dedicated to the Divine Spirit, the author of motion, which moved upon the face of the new-created matter, as Moses writes, and were more particularly assigned to the religious festivity celebrated at the summer solstice, when the pigeon was the first and peculiar sacrifice of the season. I shall not speak more about them here: but besides this temple, the Britons had a magnificent cursus, or place for sports and races on foot, in chariots, on horseback, when they celebrated their public sacrifices and religious observances on the solstices and equinoxes.
These cursus’s were likewise made of mounds of earth thrown up in two parallel lines: such a one is that at Leicester in the meadow near the river; it is called Rawdikes, from the ancient name of the city, Ratæ, capital of the Coritani; such another there is, called Dyke-hills, in the meadow of Dorchester, Oxfordshire, where the Tame and the Isis unite; Dobuni.
Exactly such another, belonging to our Trinobantum, is that we call Long-acre, or agger; which, we may be confident, was originally two parallel banks, the whole length of that street, and breadth: it has the same gentle sweep, or curve, as those other cursus’s: it then commanded a beautiful prospect over the present Covent-garden to the Thames, and an extensive view, both upward and downward, of the river, and into Surrey. The banks were designed for the spectators, and admirably well adapted to the purpose.
So that we may justly conclude, Knave’s-acre was the proper temple to the city of Trinobantum, and Long-acre their solemn place of races, accompanying the religious celebrations of the ancient citizens here, in the time of Cæsar. Long-acre is 1400 English feet in length, which is exactly 800 Druid cubits, two furlongs of the east, two stadia.
Give me leave to mention my fancy or conjecture of the founder of this alate temple and cursus, viz. ELI, father of Immanuence, and of Casvelhan: there was his tumulus on Windmill-street edge, at the end of Piccadilly: a windmill was erected on it in after-times. From it descends the street called Hedge-lane, from agger, the tumulus. I suppose the name of Piccadilly may be from its elevation, a Hybrid word composed from peak cad Eli, the tumulus ducis Eli. Cad is a common name of the Welsh kings.
Westminster, in Druid times, was a great wood, called afterward Thorney-isle, where they celebrated the autumnal Panegyre. Mr. Denman, a brass-founder, told me of three brass Celts dug up very low in the foundation of the Sanctuary at Westminster, which he melted; they were of whitish metal: also two more of the like, dug up in the bottom of the Thames, on digging the foundation of Westminster bridge, which he melted.
I shall only add a few observations, more than what is already done, concerning the plan of the oldest city of London. Where now is St. Paul’s was the forum, or market-place, comprehending the square area between Cheapside, the Old ’Change, Watling-street, and where now is the west end of St. Paul’s. The highest end of the city was the north-west corner, guarded by a steep precipice, where Madan-lane is, which imports as much. The north side of the city had a deep ditch, always filled with water from the morass of Moorfields and Smeethfield, now Smithfield. From hence the name of Lade-lane; for lade, in Saxon, is an artificial ditch, or drain: and this discharges the vulgar opinion of Ludgate taking its name from the river Flete, as if porta flumentana. Now we may well assert Dowgate to be truly such, the water-gate.
Our Saxon ancestors had some remembrance of the enlargement of London walls, by their naming of Aldgate, and Aldersgate, as sensible of the priority of one in date. It was A. D. 450, that they beat the Scots at Stamford, which is but little more than 100 years from the time of Constantine the Great, when these walls were built, and the title of Londinium Augusta commenced. That the city-walls were made by the empress Helena, is strongly confirmed by the history of the recovery of Britain to the Roman empire by Constantius Chlorus: for Asclepiodotus his general fought the Britons under the dominion of Allectus, under the old walls of London, at Walbrook, then the eastern boundary of the city, as historians particularly recite; and we may easily believe Cornhill to have been originally without the city, where the waggons stood that brought it. The historians likewise tell us, that the first palace of the British kings was in the south-west corner of the city, where afterwards Baynard’s castle stood, which likewise became a palace of our kings, before Bridewell was built: but when the empress Helena built the walls of the enlarged city, which walls for the most part now remain, the palace was then the present tower. Lastly, I apprehend, the oldest city which we are describing was walled about; for I cannot allow the Britons to be any wise inferior to the Gauls in art, either military or civil. When the city was enlarged and incompassed with new walls, the three roads beyond the east gate were converted into streets, as at present, Threadneedle-street, Cornhill and Lombard-street; as well as the Roman road, Gracechurch-street.