William Wilkins, M.A., son of the above, was born in St. Giles’ parish. He was educated at the Free Grammar School here. He was employed in the erection of several public buildings in London, and numerous private mansions. His literary labours were confined to the subject of architecture, and his “Magna Græcia” is considered to be an excellent work.
William Windham. This eminent statesman represented the city in several parliaments. He was born in London in 1750, and first sat for Norwich in 1780. In 1783 he was appointed secretary to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, and made his first speech in parliament in 1785. He died in 1806.
Sir Benjamin Wrench, an eminent physician, who practised here for sixty years, lived in St. Andrew’s. His house occupied the site of the present Corn Exchange. He was lord of the manor of Little Melton in Blomefield’s time.
Norwich in the Nineteenth Century.
We have now arrived at the present age of political progress, and material prosperity; the age of inventions, railways, newspapers, and telegraphs; the age of expansion and general intelligence. George III., George IV., and William IV., have reigned in this century, and have been succeeded by our beloved Queen Victoria. Under her benign sway the old semi-barbarous state of society has passed away like a dream, and we live in a new social era, the result of the progress of education, of the march of improvement, and of the spread of true religion.
As it has been often stated by local historians that Norwich formerly contained a very large population, and as this statement is very generally believed, we may here correct the mistake by giving the returns, which show a very gradual, and very slow increase from the earliest period to the present time. The parochial returns show that in 1693 the population was only 28,881; in 1752 it had increased to 36,169; and in 1786 to 40,051. This was the greatest number up to the end of the last century. In 1801 it was 36,832, not including 6,000 recruits for the army, navy, and militia; making the total number 42,832. This indicates a very slow increase of population. The following are the returns for the present century: 1801, 36,832; 1811, 37,256; 1821, 50,288; 1831, 61,116; 1841, 62,294; 1851, 68,713; 1861, 74,414, being an increase of about 500 yearly. Norwich in 1752 contained only 7131 houses, and in 1801 8763, of which 1747 were returned as empty. In 1831 the number was 14,201, of which 13,132 were inhabited. Now the number is over 21,000, and the rateable value is £178,882.
We must now leave the stately march of history for a more broken and interrupted step. There is some difficulty in detailing the events of this period, for every reader is more or less acquainted with it, and has viewed it in relation to his own interests and prejudices. The records of facts are so voluminous, that every reader may think that there is something omitted, or misrepresented, or exaggerated. It is impossible, however, to mention every local occurrence which some one may think important, every accident, or fire, or crime, or every grand concert or entertainment. We have to deal with events more connected with general history; and we shall first state the more remarkable occurrences of a civil or municipal character, reserving political matters for a subsequent chapter. But in order to render our narrative of local events, and especially local elections, more intelligible, it will be necessary to give a brief account of the old corporation, whose proceedings occupy so large a part of our records.
NORWICH CORPORATION.
This body claims a prescriptive origin. Certain privileges were granted to the city by the charters of different sovereigns, the first being that of Henry I., which was annulled and again renewed by Stephen. The particular privileges conceded by it cannot now be ascertained. The next charter is that of the 5th Henry II., but this is only confirmatory of former grants, and the original is still preserved in the Guildhall. One granted by Richard I. contains some estimable clauses. The most prominent are, that no citizen shall be forced to answer any plea or action in any but the city courts, except for those concerning possessions out of the city; that the citizens should have acquittance of murder, which is equivalent to granting them a coroner; that they should not be forced to duel, that is, should be exempt from the general law which was then in force, of deciding causes by single combat; that they should be free from toll throughout all England; and that they should have other liberties, all highly important, and no doubt justly appreciated by the citizens of that period. King John’s charter is similar to the preceding, and that of Henry II., with the addition that all persons living in the city, and participating in the liberties of the citizens, shall be talliated or taxed, and pay as the aforesaid citizens of Norwich do, when tollages and aid shall be laid upon them. It is probable that the principal authority was invested in bailiffs, instead of a provost, in 1223, as there is no evidence of the existence of such officers before that time.
Two deeds of Henry III., and several of succeeding kings, all either confirmed or enlarged the privileges granted to the city; but our attention is most attracted by the concessions of Henry IV., which established the constitution of a mayor, sheriffs, &c. The original charter is lost, but those of his son and more modern princes have sufficiently preserved the spirit of it. The charter of Henry V. made the extensive territory within the corporation limits a county of itself, excepting only the castle, which belonged to Norfolk. This territory was, by the boundary act, included for the purposes of representation. Twenty-five charters, the latest by James II., are known to have been granted, and probably others existed and have been lost. When the innovations, made in old establishments during the Commonwealth, were gradually reformed, the citizens petitioned for a renewal of their rights. The charter of 15th Charles II. was obtained, and under it the city was governed till the passing of the Municipal Reform Act. Most of the old charters were granted in consideration for sums of money given or lent to kings to enable them to carry on wars. Many of the charters were more injurious than beneficial to the city, as they created monopolies of one kind or other, or gave powers to the old corporation which were frequently abused. Those who wish to study those old documents more minutely may find them in Blomefield’s history.