Roman Public Life

by A. H. J. Greenidge

The tribe, which was a division not merely of the citizen body but of the land, was the basis for taxation and the military levy.[141] We know nothing of the first burden, but it is probable that no detailed scheme of direct taxation existed in the early Roman state. The revenues from the king’s domains probably rendered him self-sufficing, while the patrician burgesses served in the army at their own cost, and were doubtless expected to defray the expenses of their retainers. It is probable that in cases of emergency a tax in kind was levied from the landholders of the tribes.

Of the military burdens tradition has preserved some plausible details. The army was known as the legio or “gathering,”[142] and was composed of three “thousands” (milites),[143] one from each of the three tribes. These foot-soldiers were commanded by three or nine tribal officers, the tribuni militum.[144] The cavalry consisted of three hundred celeres, one from each of the three tribes, each commanded by three tribuni celerum. When the Patriciate was enlarged by the addition of the gentes minores,[145] these three hundreds (centuriae) were increased to six.[146]

Besides the heavy infantry and the cavalry, there may have been a corps of light-armed troops (velites and arquites), and these would doubtless have been composed mainly of clients. We do not know whether the free Plebeians were forced to serve; but, if they did, it would only have been in this inferior capacity, which required no time for training and no cost of maintaining a panoply. It is evident that the whole burden of the regular levy, and of such war-taxation as then existed, fell upon the Patricians, and before the close of the monarchy an effort was made to remedy this unequal distribution of burdens—an effort which had as its result the abolition of the patrician tribes as the leading divisions of the state and a serious infringement of patrician rights.

The thirty curiae, originally local units, as is proved by their names,[147] were divided, ten into each of the three tribes. The members of the clans belonging to the same curia were called curiales. But, although the curiae had local centres, membership of these bodies did not depend on residence in a given locality. It was hereditary; and if the members of a gens migrated from its curia, the gentiles were still members of that state-division. The curiae were religious as well as political associations, which had from the first, or finally developed, a close corporate life. Each had its peculiar sacra[148] and a place of worship, containing an altar and chapel, which itself bore the name curia;[149] and the religious affairs of each were conducted by a priest called curio, assisted by a flamen curialis.[150] The thirty curiones formed a college, of which the curio maximus was the president.[151]

It is difficult to say how far the religious organisation of the curiae was a natural or artificial development. But artifice was certainly at work in determining their important political character. The primitive popular assembly at Rome is the comitia curiata, composed wholly of Patricians. Here each member of a patrician clan above the legal age—probably the age of eighteen, at which military service commenced—had the right of giving a single vote; a majority of the curiales decided the vote of the particular curia, and the decision of the assembly was determined by the majority of the groups.

They also had, in a secondary degree, an importance of a military kind; for the supply of knights to the corps of celeres is said to have been effected through the curiae.[152]

§ 5. The Monarchical Constitution

It is generally agreed that the monarchical constitution of early Rome rested on a limited sovereignty of the people, a power restricted by the extraordinary authority of their sole magistrate. This popular sovereignty was asserted in jurisdiction, in legislation, and in the ratification of magisterial power. The attribution of the right of appeal in criminal cases (provocatio)[153] to the people shows that with them rests either the sovereign attribute of pardon or some right of trying criminal cases in the last resort. Tradition makes the Roman people the sole source of law,[154] that is, of standing ordinances of a general kind which are to bind the community,[155] although the initiative in legislation can come only from the king; and apart from the rulings of the pontifical college, which did not require the sanction of the people, this theory of primitive legislation seems to be correct; for the very early laws passed by the comitia on the downfall of the monarchy do not appear to mark any violent break in the theory of the constitution. We do not know whether the king employed the formula afterwards used by the Republican magistrates, which elicited the “will and command” of the burgesses (velitis, jubeatis, quirites); but law (lex) is from the first something “laid down” by a competent authority, and binding, therefore, in virtue of the power that ordains it.[156] After its ordinance it may or must create a contractual relation between individuals,[157] but there is no hint of its being the result of a contract or co-operation between independent authorities. The source of law is, therefore, simple; it is the people’s will; but, through the bar to utterance created by the magistracy, this will is very limited in its capacity for expression. The people are also affirmed to have been in a certain sense the source of honour, and typical illustrations of this power are presented by the traditional beliefs that the regal insignia of Etruria, adopted by the kings of Rome, were only assumed by them with the consent of Senate and people,[158] and that the appointment of officers for special purposes, although these may have been in theory merely delegates of the king, had to be ratified by laws of the curiae. The quaestors, the earliest prototypes of the later magistrates at Rome, are said to have been so appointed.[159]

The people, therefore, possessed certain sovereign rights, but each right was limited by the vast authority of their personal representative, who wielded the whole of the executive, and so much of the legislative power as is implied in the sole right of initiative. We cannot even speak of the people as vesting this power in their king; for their right of election was, as we shall see, probably as limited as their power of legislation.