Roman Public Life

by A. H. J. Greenidge

A transference of political rights from the patrician body to this new assembly was so far from being the motive of the change that it was probably never contemplated. But such a transference was from the nature of things inevitable. Apart from the general fact that a citizen army must gain the preponderance in political power, there were certain public acts which were inevitably performed from the first by the assembly of the centuries, or were very soon found to be more rapidly, easily, and appropriately performed by that assembly than by the comitia of the curiae.

Firstly, it may have been the custom for the oath of allegiance to the king, first expressed in the lex curiata,[306] to have been renewed at every taking of the census. This expression of allegiance, asked for by the magistrate, was now a lex centuriata.[307]

Secondly, most of the popular utterances or leges of early Rome must have referred to military matters, and convenience, if not a sense of consistency, must soon have dictated that they should be pronounced by the army. The choice of officers rested with the king; but if the appointment of the higher delegates required the ratification of the people,[308] this must soon have been given by the centuries. The regal jurisdiction which the people challenge by the provocatio is essentially military jurisdiction;[309] and consequently the exercise of this jurisdiction, when the king allowed the appeal, must soon have been felt to belong to the army. It was to this assembly that the announcement of a proposal to declare war[310] would most appropriately be made; it was above all by this assembly, which represented the taxpayers, that the war-tax (tributum) would most appropriately be assessed.

We cannot trace the successive steps in the acquisition of power by the centuries or its growth from an army into a comitia. They must have been the chief political changes which filled the closing years of the monarchy and the early days of the Republic; for even the abolition of monarchy itself, revolutionary as it was, was less of an alteration in the structure of the constitution than this transference of the attributes of sovereignty from one assembly to another, from a single to a mixed order. The comitia curiata was not suddenly stripped of its powers; but the organising genius of a single supreme magistrate had prepared the way for a change, which was a prototype of the gradual insensible revolutions through which Rome was to pass.

The change which closes the history of this period, although not so radical, was far more sudden and violent. The monarchy itself was overthrown. History has tried to invest this revolution with all the legal grounds and legal forms which it could summon to its assistance. Servius had had it in his mind to complete his democratic work by laying down the full imperium;[311] and Tarquin the Proud, the last of the great Etruscan line, had broken through the constitutional usages of the monarchy[312] and had ruled without challenging the allegiance of the people.[313] That there was some fearful abuse of the kingly power, typified in the associations that gathered round the words rex and regnum and in the oath which made any one who aspired to monarchy an outlaw,[314] we may without hesitation allow; for Rome, as shown by the power she continued to entrust to her magistrates, had not outgrown the idea of royalty. But there was no constitutional mode of deposing a king. The auspices had returned to the fathers in unhallowed fashion, and the war waged by Tarquin and Etruria is a war for the maintenance of the principle of divine right. But yet Rome held that the divinity of the magistracy still remained; the auspices again left the fathers’ hands and were conferred on two citizens chosen from the patres.[315]

CHAPTER II
THE GROWTH OF THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION

The two new magistrates, who were appointed to the headship of the state, were, like the king, armed with the imperium and its united powers of military leadership and jurisdiction. Hence they bore the old titles of praetores and judices,[316] while those designations which denoted a single supremacy in the state, such as dictator or magister populi, were necessarily discarded. The new magistrates were to hold office for a year and then to transmit their power to two successors. But their right of nomination was not final. They were, indeed, free to name as their successors whom they pleased, but this nomination had to be ratified immediately by the people assembled in their centuries; and perhaps they were already expected to submit to this comitia the names of all candidates who offered themselves for this post, although they could certainly decline to receive such names,[317] and nomination, or, as it was sometimes called, creatio, was an essential part of the early consular elections. A new practice, that of direct election, was thus introduced into the Roman constitution, but it was merely an advance on the previous practice of ratifying a nomination.[318] A far newer idea—one which distinguished the consulship from the monarchy, and continued to differentiate it from the dictatorship subsequently created—was that of colleagueship,[319] of two officials exercising exactly the same sphere of competence, with the inevitable effect of collision if agreement could not be secured. Perpetual collision was averted by the simple rule that the dissent of one magistrate rendered null and void the action of his colleague. But if such dissent was not expressed (or not capable of expression through the absence of the colleague) the command of a single magistrate had binding force on the community. His regal competence was not diminished, but only potentially checked, by the presence of a colleague. Colleagueship, considered as the safeguard against abuse of the imperium, grew to be so firmly impressed on popular imagination as the characteristic feature of the new office, that the earlier titles derived from the monarchy gave place to that of consules.[320]

But this limitation was not sufficient. The unrestricted military jurisdiction of the magistrate was felt not to be in harmony with the new régime. A law was passed by P. Valerius, the first of the consuls, allowing an appeal to the people in their centuries against every sentence of a magistrate which was pronounced against the life of a Roman citizen. This lex Valeria (509 B.C.) completed the popular jurisdiction which had been growing up during the monarchy,[321] and from this time no power but the people has the right to pronounce the final death sentence within the walls;[322] outside this sphere the military jurisdiction of the consul can be asserted without appeal—hence the distinction between the imperium at home (domi) and abroad (militiae); the limit between the spheres being originally the pomerium, later the first milestone from the city.[323] Without this limit the axes are borne within the fasces, within it they are laid aside. Tradition adds that it was this final recognition of popular sovereignty which led to the custom of the consul lowering the fasces before the people when he addressed them.[324] It does not appear that this great change was forced on the higher organs of the state by any popular agitation. It is no part of a distinctively plebeian movement. Senate and People, Patricians and Plebeians must have equally accepted as inevitable the doom of a power which had been dwindling to a shadow during the monarchy.

The change from monarchy also witnessed the first attempt to weaken the unity of the executive power. The consuls were given two general assistants, the annually appointed quaestores. We have noticed the tradition which assigns these officials to the regal period,[325] but it is not wholly inconsistent with that which represents them as a part of the new constitution of 509. From being temporary delegates they now became permanent assistants of the consuls. Their sphere was as unlimited as that of the consuls themselves; they were meant simply to obey his behests. But two departments in which they represented the supreme magistracy must have stood out prominently from the first. These were criminal jurisdiction and finance.[326] The “city quaestors” (quaestores urbani), as they were subsequently called to distinguish them from their provincial colleagues, were known as quaestores parricidii[327] and quaestores aerarii. In their first capacity they were delegates whom the magistrate employed in criminal jurisdiction, probably occupying with respect to procedure much the same place as the duoviri in the trial of Horatius.[328] The designation parricidii may, however, show that they were employed in such criminal cases as did not directly affect the welfare of the state,[329] and by their side the duoviri perduellionis reappear at intervals during the early Republic. Their financial functions are generally taken to imply the existence of a state treasury (aerarium). Tradition credits the first consul Valerius Publicola with its institution, and makes the quaestors the guardians of its wealth and probably of its archives.[330] The public chest of Rome must have been a primitive matter enough at a time when coined money was not in general use; but it is not improbable that finance did at this time become a definite department. It could no longer be a purely domestic matter; the lands of the kings had become crown lands of the state; the series of wars into which Rome was plunged must have rendered a constant collection of the war-tax necessary; none would more naturally have been entrusted with the control and disbursement of revenue than the perpetual delegates of the consuls; and the formalism of Roman character would lead us to believe that the consuls had regular modes of acting through their quaestors, and that these officials so far limited the power of their masters. It is not improbable that the quaestors were originally nominated by the consuls without the direct intervention of the people; but this does not exclude some popular ratification of the choice.[331] It was not until about the year 449 that their election was transferred to the newly-constituted comitia of the tribes.