| VOLUME I | |
| PAGE | |
| Introductory Note on the Constitution | [1] |
| PART I.—THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT | |
| CHAPTER I | |
| The Crown | [16] |
| CHAPTER II | |
| The Crown and the Cabinet | [27] |
| CHAPTER III | |
| The Cabinet and the Ministers | [53] |
| CHAPTER IV | |
| The Executive Departments | [81] |
| CHAPTER V | |
| The Treasury | [115] |
| CHAPTER VI | |
| Miscellaneous Offices | [131] |
| CHAPTER VII | |
| The Permanent Civil Service | [145] |
| CHAPTER VIII | |
| The Ministers and the Civil Service | [173] |
| CHAPTER IX | |
| The House of Commons—Constituencies and Voters | [195] |
| CHAPTER X | |
| The House of Commons—Electoral Procedure | [219] |
| CHAPTER XI | |
| The House of Commons—Disqualifications, Privilege, Sessions | [239] |
| CHAPTER XII | |
| Procedure in the House of Commons—The House, its Rules and Officers | [248] |
| CHAPTER XIII | |
| Procedure in the House of Commons—Committees and Public Bills | [264] |
| CHAPTER XIV | |
| Procedure in the House of Commons—Money Bills and Accounts | [279] |
| CHAPTER XV | |
| Procedure in the House of Commons—Closure | [292] |
| CHAPTER XVI | |
| Procedure in the House of Commons—Sittings and Order of Business | [302] |
| CHAPTER XVII | |
| The Cabinet's Control of the Commons | [309] |
| CHAPTER XVIII | |
| The Commons' Control of the Cabinet | [327] |
| CHAPTER XIX | |
| The Form and Contents of Statutes | [356] |
| CHAPTER XX | |
| Private Bill Legislation | [367] |
| CHAPTER XXI | |
| The House of Lords | [394] |
| CHAPTER XXII | |
| The Cabinet and the House of Lords | [405] |
| CHAPTER XXIII | |
| The Cabinet and the Country | [423] |
| PART II.—THE PARTY SYSTEM | |
| CHAPTER XXIV | |
| Party and the Parliamentary System | [435] |
| CHAPTER XXV | |
| Party Organisation in Parliament | [448] |
| CHAPTER XXVI | |
| Non-party Organisations outside of Parliament | [458] |
| CHAPTER XXVII | |
| Local Party Organisations | [466] |
| CHAPTER XXVIII | |
| Action of Local Organisations | [491] |
| CHAPTER XXIX | |
| The Rise and Fall of the Caucus—The Liberals | [501] |
| CHAPTER XXX | |
| The Rise and Fall of the Caucus—The Conservatives | [535] |
| VOLUME II | |
| CHAPTER XXXI | |
| Ancillary Party Organisations | 1 |
| CHAPTER XXXII | |
| The Functions of Party Organisations | 18 |
| CHAPTER XXXIII | |
| The Labour Party | 24 |
| CHAPTER XXXIV | |
| Candidates and Elections | 46 |
| CHAPTER XXX | |
| The Strength of Party Ties | 71 |
| CHAPTER XXXV | |
| Political Oscillations | 101 |
| CHAPTER XXXVII | |
| The Existing Parties | 113 |
| PART III.—LOCAL GOVERNMENT | |
| CHAPTER XXXVIII | |
| Areas of Local Government | 129 |
| CHAPTER XXXIX | |
| Boroughs—The Town Council | 144 |
| CHAPTER XL | |
| Boroughs—The Permanent Officials | 171 |
| CHAPTER XLI | |
| Boroughs—Powers and Resources | 181 |
| CHAPTER XLII | |
| London | 202 |
| CHAPTER XLIII | |
| The London County Council | 215 |
| CHAPTER XLIV | |
| Municipal Trading | 233 |
| CHAPTER XLV | |
| Other Local Authorities | 268 |
| CHAPTER XLVI | |
| Central Control | 284 |
| PART IV.—EDUCATION | |
| CHAPTER XLVII | |
| Public Elementary Education | 295 |
| CHAPTER XLVIII | |
| Secondary Education | 324 |
| CHAPTER XLIX | |
| The Universities | 343 |
| CHAPTER L | |
| Education in Scotland | 354 |
| PART V.—THE CHURCH | |
| CHAPTER LI | |
| Organisation of the Church | 362 |
| CHAPTER LII | |
| Revenues of the Church | 374 |
| CHAPTER LIII | |
| The Free Church Federation | 380 |
| PART VI.—THE EMPIRE | |
| CHAPTER LIV | |
| Component Parts of the Empire | 386 |
| CHAPTER LV | |
| The Self-governing Colonies | 392 |
| CHAPTER LVI | |
| The Crown Colonies | 408 |
| CHAPTER LVII | |
| India and the Protectorates | 420 |
| CHAPTER LVIII | |
| Imperial Federation | 430 |
| PART VII.—THE COURTS OF LAW | |
| CHAPTER LIX | |
| History of the Courts | 439 |
| CHAPTER LX | |
| The Existing Courts | 451 |
| CHAPTER LXI | |
| The English Conception of Law | 471 |
| CHAPTER LXII | |
| Effects of the Conception of Law | 489 |
| PART VIII.—REFLECTIONS | |
| CHAPTER LXIII | |
| Aristocracy and Democracy | 505 |
| CHAPTER LXIV | |
| Public, Private and Local Interests | 514 |
| CHAPTER LXV | |
| The Growth of Paternalism | 520 |
| CHAPTER LXVI | |
| Party and Class Legislation | 531 |
| CHAPTER LXVII | |
| Conclusion | 539 |
| INDEX | 541 |
INTRODUCTORY NOTE ON THE CONSTITUTION
Different Meanings of the word Constitution.
De Tocqueville declared that the English Constitution did not really exist,[1:1] and he said so because in his mind the word "constitution" meant a perfectly definite thing to which nothing in England conformed. An examination of modern governments shows, however, that the thing is by no means so definite as he had supposed.
A Document Embodying the Chief Institutions.
The term "constitution" is usually applied to an attempt to embody in a single authoritative document, or a small group of documents, the fundamental political institutions of a state. But such an attempt is rarely, if ever, completely successful; and even if the constitution when framed covers all the main principles on which the government is based, it often happens that they become modified in practice, or that other principles arise, so that the constitution no longer corresponds fully with the actual government of the country. In France, for example, the principle that the cabinet can stay in office only so long as it retains the confidence of the popular chamber, the principle, in short, of a ministry responsible in the parliamentary sense, was not mentioned in the charters of 1814 or 1830, and yet it was certainly firmly established in the reign of Louis Philippe; and it is noteworthy that this same principle, on which the whole political system of the English self-governing colonies is based, appears neither in the British North American Act nor in the Australian Federation Act. The first of those statutes, following the English tradition, speaks of the Privy Council for Canada,[1:2] but never of the cabinet or the ministers; while the Australian Act, going a step farther, refers to the Queen's Ministers of State,[1:3] but ignores their responsibility to the parliament.[2:1] Again, in the United States, the provision that the electoral college shall choose the President has become so modified in practice that the electors must vote for the candidate nominated by the party to which they owe their own election. In choosing the President they have become, by the force of custom, as much a mere piece of mechanism as the Crown in England when giving its assent to acts passed by the two Houses of Parliament. Their freedom of choice is as obsolete as the royal veto. So far, therefore, as this meaning of the term is concerned, the constitution of England differs from those of other countries rather in degree than in kind. It differs in the fact that the documents, being many statutes, are very numerous, and the part played by custom is unusually large.
Not Changeable by Ordinary Legislation.