"A novice might suppose, in witnessing the chuckle of satisfaction that has been noticeable among a certain class of people hereabouts within a few days back, that stealing is a virtue, and that the receiver of stolen goods is, par excellence, a model Christian. And even a man of some experience in the world might doubt the morality of the precept "to do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you," in view of the effrontery and impudence of those who regard negro stealing as a Christian duty.
"A paper in this city, which professes that the free soil party do not aim to attack the institution of slavery in those states where it exists, unblushingly published a few days since the proceedings of a meeting of free negroes, held on the occasion of the arrival here of a quantity of runaway negroes from some of the Southern States. We say, unblushingly, because more than usual prominence was given to the proceedings in its columns.
"Now, there is no difference, under the Constitution and laws, between stealing negroes from Kentucky and stealing horses from Kentucky. The Constitution of the United States and the laws of Kentucky hold one not less criminal than the other; and a paper in this city would be just precisely as justifiable in publishing the proceedings of a horse stealing society as the proceedings of a negro stealing society. There is not less guilt involved in the one than the other.
"For our own part we are disposed to call things by their right names. We believe that he who would be guilty of aiding and abetting the escape of a negro from his master, would not hesitate to steal any other property if he could do it with equal safety to himself. The fact that slaveholding is a sin does not change the nature of the offense, because the Bible doctrine of submission to the powers that be, is a plain and unequivocal duty. Negro stealing is as much a violation of the law of God as of the law of a Southern State.
"But we have not much faith in the Christianity of those abolitionists who steal negroes. And the receiver of stolen goods is equally guilty with the thief. Tom Corwin was not far out of the way (and it must be conceded that Mr. Corwin has had abundant opportunities to know) when he declared that 'they (the abolitionists) are a whining, canting, praying set of fellows who keep regular books of debit and credit with the Almighty.' 'They will,' he says, 'lie and cheat all the week, and pray off their sins on Sunday. If they steal a negro, that makes a very large entry to their credit, and will cover a multitude of peccadilloes and frauds. This kind of entry they are always glad to make, because it costs them nothing.' 'But,' adds Mr. Corwin, and this is the severest cut of all, 'when they cannot steal a negro they give something in charity for the extension of the gospel, and then commence a system of fraud and cheating, till they think they have balanced accounts with their God.' For once we believe Mr. Corwin has told the truth."
Would the condition of the slaves be ameliorated by emancipation, under existing circumstances; supposing they continue, either in the slave, or free States? This is a grave question, and so far as I am capable, I shall endeavor to give it a candid and impartial answer. Having resided both in slave and free States, I presume that I have had as good an opportunity of forming a correct opinion on the subject as most of others. It has long been my settled conviction, that the condition of the slaves in the United States, would be in no respect bettered by emancipation in their present condition, under existing circumstances; supposing that they continue residents of the United States. It is in my view, no longer problematical; for I consider it a settled question, that their condition would in no respect be improved by emancipation; but on the contrary, I contend, that the condition of the free negroes in both the slave and free States, is far worse than that of the Southern slave. I shall again appeal to historical facts—past experience—and universal observation. Throughout the slave States, ever since slavery has existed on this continent, conscientious and benevolent persons have, from time to time emancipated slaves; and that too, in many instances, under the most favorable circumstances. And what was the result? In nine cases out of ten, and I think it probable, that in ninety-nine out of a hundred, their conditions were evidently made worse thereby. This is an indisputable fact, well known throughout the South. I resided forty-four years in the slave States, and had as favorable opportunities as any man living, for forming correct opinions on the subject, and I do here most solemnly aver, that of the hundreds of manumitted slaves, that came under my immediate observation, few, comparatively very few, appeared to be benefited by the change. The condition of a large majority of the free blacks in Tennessee and Virginia, who fell under my observation, was deplorable, and farther South, I suppose, that it was still worse. I practiced medicine among them for twenty years, and conversed freely with them; in some instances on the subject of their emancipation, and they frequently admitted, that they were in a more comfortable condition while they were slaves.
A majority of the slaves in the Southern States are professedly pious; the free negroes more rarely so. A majority of the slaves appear to be honest; a majority of the free blacks are petty thieves, drunkards, liars and gamblers. I have frequently known slaves set at liberty on account of their piety and other good qualities, and within a few years most of them would undergo a change for the worse—frequently, in fact, become vicious in the extreme. One instance I will here record. A gentleman in Western Virginia, by name Carter, held a slave, Absalom by name. Absalom became a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church. He began praying in public a short time after his admission into the church. Soon he was licensed to exhort, next to preach. All this occurred, I believe, within less than eighteen mouths. He was powerful in prayer, and eloquent in exhortation. No one doubted his piety. He was prospectively liberated by a will. Carter, however, told him verbally, about this time, that he had made provisions in his will for his liberation, and that henceforth he could go where he chose, and do as he pleased. That he was a free man. What was the consequence? It was not long before a young lady belonging to a respectable family, was delivered of a mulatto child. On being questioned as to the child's paternity, she stated that it was parson Absalom's. Those interested, immediately called on him, and he frankly confessed that he was the father of the child. Poor Absalom, he was promoted by the church, set at liberty by his master; caressed and eulogized by the white brethren—it was too much for him—he could not bear it—until finally, he was "lifted up with pride," and "fell into the condemnation of the devil." Then might the church mourn, "O Absalom, my son! how art thou fallen." This is not an isolated case; many similar ones fell under my observation, but I cannot stop here to record them. In the city of Knoxville, East Tennessee, where I last resided while in the South; there were several hundred free negroes, and I could readily distinguish a free negro from a slave when I met him in the street. The slaves, to use Southern parlance, looked fat, saucy, happy and contented, while the free blacks, with a few exceptions, had a miserable and dejected appearance. When slaves are liberated in the South they immediately become stupid, indolent and improvident, though they were previous to their liberation, industrious and economical. If previous to their liberation they were pious, they frequently become vicious; if temperate while slaves, they often become drunkards, after they obtain their freedom; if honest, thieves; if truthful, liars. There are exceptions, I admit, and they are but few exceptions. These are undeniable facts—melancholy truths—would to God that it had fallen to the lot of some one else to record them.
I have endeavored, in the preceding pages, to show that the condition of the slaves of the South; so far from being improved; is made worse by emancipation under existing circumstances. Free negroes meet with but little sympathy in the South, and with still less in the North. A residence of a few years in the slave and also in the free States, will satisfy anyone of the truth of this remark. Free negroes are more odious to Northern than to Southern people. In all the varied and multifarious relations of social life, they are told to stand aside. Under no circumstances, social, civil or religious, can the white man and the African, meet on terms of equality and reciprocity. They are debarred from social intercourse with the whites. They are not suffered to become, so far as I know, members of any secret society, association or organization, whatever. Beside the white man at the hospitable board, they cannot, they dare not sit; and to a seat in the white man's parlor, and social converse, they dare not aspire. The carpet of the white man was not spread for them, and around his cheerful hearth, before his crackling fire, there is no place for them. They are not suffered to participate in any of the festivities or amusements of their more highly favored white brethren. If they are admitted into the same crowd, they must not commingle with the whites; they are required to stand to one side. If they are admitted into the same house, a separate apartment is assigned to them, and if to the same table, they are taught to wait in patience until the white man is satiated; and then to be content with the fragments and crumbs. If they enter the same church, a separate bench, or a separate apartment in the church is allotted to them; for beside the white man they dare not sit, while engaged in devotional exercises. The black man's children are not gathered together in the same school room, with the white man's. They are denied in free, as well as in slave States, the right of suffrage, or any participation, whatever, in civil affairs. All this is true of free, as well as slave States, with a few exceptions. The free negro in no respect betters his condition, by taking up his residence in a free State. In some respects it is made worse by the change. They are offcasts from society—loathed and despised, wherever they go. Nature has interposed an impassable barrier, between the white and the black man. It is not alone tho black skin, and the woolly hair of the African that render him so odious to the Anglo-Saxon. The two races are diverse, mentally and morally—in their social qualities, habits, tastes and feelings. I shall not stop here to draw a contrast in detail, but after a few remarks I shall pass on.
The African differs from the Anglo-Saxon in his physical conformation, by his black skin, his curly hair, his flat nose and broad flat foot. Nor is he less distinctly marked by his mental characteristics. Content to repose on the bosom of his mother terra firma, he is not disturbed by dreams of honor, wealth or fame. He does not with the white man possess that towering ambition, that soars aloft in climes ethereal. There is with the African no motive to spur him to action; no incentive to the acquisition of wealth; no aspiration for power; no desire for honor or fame. Self reliance and enterprise, are the peculiar characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon race; on the contrary, the African in his native state, is content with his hut and his palm-leaf shade, and he is now what he was centuries ago; there is no improvement or change whatever. The African under no circumstances, in any part of the habitable globe, has ever attained a high degree of civilization. "For centuries on centuries, Africa has remained stationary, and at the very lowest stage of civilization, but one remove indeed above brutishness." "Back to that merely animal existence too, the Jamaica blacks are fast retrograding." The African is constitutionally indolent and improvident. Work he will not, so far as he is able to avoid it, nor will he economize what falls into his hands, I do them no injustice. I appeal to facts. Look at the condition of the free negroes, North and South! Look at Africa—behold the African race the world over, and then tell me from whence come their universal poverty, ignorance and degradation. The African possesses none of that sensitiveness—that acuteness of sensibility—that delicacy and refinement of taste, which characterize the white race. There is with the African a predominance of the animal propensities, and with him, their gratification, constitutes the sum total of life and all its enjoyments. He knows no other enjoyment, he has no higher object, or aim. It is therefore, very clear, that abolitionists are contending for an impracticability; that the two races cannot amalgamate and become one people, and enjoy equal rights and privileges; that they cannot live together on terms of perfect equality. The white man has the pre-eminence; it is the gift of God; and the African is doomed to servitude, until he is removed beyond the white man's reach. The African is not fully prepared for the enjoyment of liberty. Hence, the universal emancipation of the race, supposing that they were colonized, would be very likely to throw them back into their original barbarism; and the idea of liberating the entire slave population of the Southern States, and letting them loose upon us, is so ridiculous, that it scarcely deserves notice. It would be to us as a moral pestilence; a plague, far worse than all the plagues of Egypt! Yes, far worse, than frogs and lice, and locusts, and flies, and murrain of beasts, and biles on man, and darkness all combined. Free negroes would then deluge the great Northern cities. It would be as tornadoes and volcanoes let loose upon us. Our country is already deluged with as many vagrants, as she is able to jog along with.