The name of James Dawson is connected with a melancholy incident which the poet Shenstone [26] made the subject of the pathetic ballad of “Jemmy Dawson.” He belonged to a family of high respectability in Lancashire, and had been educated at St. John’s College, Cambridge. Having formed an ardent attachment for a young lady of handsome fortune, they were engaged to be married just at the time of the outbreak of the Rebellion. All the influence of his friends, and every effort that the most devoted affection could suggest having failed to secure his pardon, no entreaties or remonstrances could dissuade the faithful girl, to whom he was affianced, from being present at the execution of the man whom she loved with the deepest tenderness. Through all the horrors that characterised the melancholy scene, and while witnessing the cruel and barbarous fate of her lover, she exhibited no violent demonstration of sorrow; but when all had been concluded, and the heart which had beaten so warmly for her had been thrown into the flames, the terrible excitement, which had hitherto sustained her wholly gave way, and, exclaiming—“my dear, I follow thee!—I follow thee!—sweet Jesus, receive both our souls together!” she fell back in the carriage, and expired, as the last word trembled on her lips. [27a]

Though in passing to their trials the mob had hooted and insulted them, it was observable at their execution that the assembled multitude exhibited considerable sympathy, and appeared to commiserate the fate of those gallant and hapless gentlemen.

When the horrible proceedings had been entirely concluded, the bodies of the sufferers were removed to the prison from whence they had been brought, “to await his Majesty’s pleasure;” and three days afterwards the heads of Towneley and Fletcher were fixed on Temple Bar, while those of Deacon, Berwick, Chadwick, and Syddal were preserved in spirits, and conveyed to Manchester and Carlisle, to be exposed on conspicuous places in those towns. I have failed to ascertain how the heads of Blood, Dawson, and Morgan were disposed of; but it is probable that they were allowed to remain with the bodies. Towneley’s body is said to have been buried at St. Pancras, while the bodies of his companions were interred in the burying-ground attached to the Foundling Hospital. [27b]

Shortly after the execution, the statements which they had delivered to the sheriffs were published; [27c] and that written by David Morgan is here introduced.

A true COPY of the Paper delivered by David Morgan, Esq., to the Sheriff of Surry, at the Place of Execution, on Wednesday, July 30th, 1746.

It having been always deemed incumbent on every Person in my Situation, to say something of himself, and the Cause he suffers for, I could not decline it, however disagreeable to my Persecutors, when I once held it my Duty.

The CAUSE I embarked in was that of my Liege Sovereign King James the Third, from an Opinion I long since had of his just Right: an Opinion founded on the Constitution, and strongly recognized and established by an ACT OF PARLIAMENT NOW IN ITS FULL VIGOUR, which neither the People collectively nor representively have any Power or Authority to subvert or alter. [See the Statute of Charles II.] Nor can that Law be repealed but by a free Parliament summoned to meet by a lawful King: Not by a Convention commanded by a foreign Prince and Usurper, and intimidated and directed by him at the Head of a foreign Army.

To this Convention we owe the Revolution; to the Revolution we owe the Accession of the House of Hanover; and to this Accession all our present Ills, and the melancholy and certain Prospect of the intire Subversion of all that is dear and valuable to Britons.

My Opinion of the King’s Title to the imperial Crown of these Realms, thus uncontrovertible, received additional Strength and Satisfaction from his Character and Qualifications, confirmed to me by Persons of the strictest Honour and Credit, and demonstrated to me, that his Establishment on the Throne of his Ancestors, would be an Incident, as productive of Happiness to the Subject, as of Justice to the Sovereign, since his Majesty’s confessed superior Understanding is absolutely necessary to extricate our Country out of that most desperate State she has been declining to since the Revolution, and has precipitately fallen into since the Accession.

On this Declension and Ruin of our Country have the Favourers and Friends of both Revolution and Accession built vast and despicable Fortunes; which possibly they may entail (with the conditions of Slavery annexed) on their betrayed and abandoned Issue; it being much more clear that Slavery will descend from Generation to Generation, than such Fortunes so acquired.

Have we not seen Parliaments, in a long Succession, raise Supplies sufficient to surfeit Avarice? Do we not see that Avarice heaping up Millions for the Nurture and Support of Foreign Dominions, on the Ruins of that Country that grants them? Nor can this move the least Compassion, or even common Regard for her Welfare and Interest, from that ungrateful Avarice.

British Councils, since the Usurper’s Accession, have had foreign Interest their constant Object; and the Power and Finances of the imperial Crown of Great Britain have been betrayed, prostituted and squandered, for the Convenience and Support of the meanest Electorate in Germany; and the Elector’s Conduct has been more destructive and detrimental to our Country, than all the Finesse, Treachery and Force, that the French, or any other Adversary’s Council’s and Power could have attempted or effected. Land-Armies only can sustain and cover Dominions on the Continent; these are raised in the Country protected, and maintained by the Country protecting. Here Great-Britain has all the Burden, and Hanover all the advantage: Whereas Navies are the British Bulwarks, which have, by the Elector, been neglected, misapplied, or employed to her Disadvantage, and can alone guard and protect her Dominions and Commerce.

If the present Convention had any regard to Self-Preservation, or that of their Constituents, they would this Session have made new Laws for the further Security of Privilege: The Pannick diffused universally over the Electoral Family would have prepared an easy Assent to any Law in the Subject’s Favour: But, even here, these Representatives omitted this second Opportunity of securing and improving the Happiness of their Electors, and, instead thereof, have given additional Power to the Usurper to suspend the bulwark of Liberty, and invert the Order and Method of Trials for Treason: Precedents they will have occasion one Day to repent of, since they very probably may fall Victims to them.

The false Glosses and Fears of Popery, universally propagated, have deluded unthinking vulgar minds, and diverted all Attention to Reason; when it is clear, to any just Reflection, that his Majesty can have no happiness but what results from his Britain, who, he must know from melancholy experience, will not be tempted to part with the Doctrines and Exercise of the Religion established in her. His Majesty must know, that a lawful King must adhere to the Constitution in Church and State, and shew a most inviolable Attachment to those Laws that were made for the Security of both, whatever Indulgences and Concessions are made by Conventions to an Usurper for the Breach of all. A lawful King is a nursing Father, who would protect us, and demand no more Supplies than the immediate Services required, and those from the Riches of the Country, the Excrescences of Trade and Commerce, without Prejudice to either; and such would be deemed best that were just sufficient for the Purposes they were raised, and for which only they would be employed. But an Usurper is a Step-Father, that builds his own Hopes and Views on the Ruin and Destruction of his usurped Dominions, and has Joy from the fleecing and impoverishing of those under his Influence and Power.

Even his Majesty’s Enemies allow him great Understanding, nor has any one of them imputed Breach of Honour to him. His Abilities and Sense of our Situation would move him to interpose in favour of his Subjects; and are equal (if human abilities are so) to extricate us out of the various Perplexities and Intricacies we have been brought into by Negotiations, for thirty Years, for the Preservation of the Balance of Power, to the Disappointment of every Briton’s Hope, and the Ridicule of all our Enemies.

If you once think, my Brethren, you must repent; if you repent, you must make the Constitution just Reparation; which can only be done by calling in your lawful King James the Third, who has Justice to attempt, and Wisdom to compleat, a thorough Reformation in the Constitution, and to fix in its pristine happy State; and which, in spite of all Chicane and Prejudice, without a RESTORATION will never be done.

I am to declare my Happiness in having such a Wife and Daughter, that forgive my involving them in my misfortunes, and having an undeserved Share in them: I heartily thank them, and wish them both temporal and eternal Happiness: and hope that those who are Friends to my King will look upon them as the Relict and Orphan of a Fellow-Subject that has suffered in the Royal Cause.

I glory in the Honour I have had of seeing his royal Highness Charles Prince Regent, and of being admitted into his Confidence; and I here declare it the greatest Happiness I ever knew, and the highest Satisfaction; and such as even my vainest Thoughts could never have suggested to me: An Honour to every rational Creature that can judge of the many requisite Virtues of a PRINCE centred in him truly, tho’ so often falsely assigned to the worst. His Character exceeds any Thing I could have imagined or conceived: An Attempt to describe him would seem gross Flattery; and nothing but a plain and naked Narrative of his Conduct to all Persons, and in all Scenes he is engaged in, can properly shew him. A Prince betrayed by the Mercy he shewed his Enemies, in judging of the Dispositions of Mankind by the Benignity of his own. His Fortitude was disarmed by it, and his ungrateful Enemies think they have reaped the Benefit of it; but let them not rejoice at his Misfortunes, since his Failure of Success will, without the immediate Interposition of Providence, be absolutely their Ruin. What a Contrast is there between his Royal Highness the PRINCE and the Duke of Cumberland! The first displays his true Courage, in Acts of Humanity and Mercy; the latter a Cruelty, in Burning, Devastation, and Destruction of the British Subjects, their Goods and Possessions; I would ask—Who is the true HERO?

The Report of my having betrayed his royal Highness, or his Friends, is scandalously false; my Appeal to the Counsel for the Prosecution on my Trial, and my suffering Death, must refute it to all honest Men: And I hereby declare I had rather suffer any Death the Law can inflict.—I deem Death infinitely preferable to a Life of Infamy.—But the Death I suffer for my King, gives me vast Consolation and Honour that I am thought worthy of it.

To conclude, my Brethren and Fellow-Subjects, I must make Profession of that Religion I was baptized, have continued, and shall through the divine Permission die in, which is that of the Church of England, and which I hope will stand and prevail against the Malice, Devices and Assaults of her Enemies, as well those of the Church of Rome, as those equally dangerous, the Followers of Luther and Calvin, covered under and concealed in the specious Bugbears of Popery and arbitrary Power. This my Faith I have fully set forth in a Poem of two Books, intitled, The Christian Test, or the Coalition of Faith and Reason; the first of which I have already published, and the latter I have bequeathed to the care of my unfortunate but very dutiful Daughter Mris. Mary Morgan, to be published by her, since it has pleased God I shall not live to see it. To this Poem I refer, which I hope will obviate all Cavil to the contrary.

I freely forgive all my Enemies from the Usurper to Weir and Maddox the infamous Witnesses in support of his Prosecution of me: And I must also, and do from my Heart, forgive my Lord Chief Justice, for his stupid and inveterate Zeal, in painting my Loyalty to my King with all the Reproaches he had Genius enough to bestow on it, when he passed Sentence on Seventeen at once, and which he did without Precedent because it was without Concern.

I beg all I have offended that they will forgive me for Jesus Christ’s Sake, my only Mediator and Advocate, To whom with the Father and the holy Spirit, be all Adoration, Praise, Glory, Dominion and Power for ever. Amen.

DAVID MORGAN.

July 30.
1746.

The few particulars of those unfortunate gentlemen that appeared in the Scots and in the Gentleman’s Magazines, for the year 1746, were unquestionably derived in a great measure from a pamphlet that was published, shortly after their execution, entitled, “A Genuine Acct. of the behaviour, &c., of Francis Towneley,” &c. This pamphlet was characterised by considerable political virulence; and, like all the publications of that turbulent period, sought to defame the unfortunate Jacobites, and to cover their memories with odium. To defend them from such attacks and unjust aspersions would, at that period, have been highly dangerous, and justice could not possibly have been done to their memories; but now when more than a century has elapsed since their deaths, and the asperities of party feeling which then prevailed have wholly disappeared, and, by the majority of our countrymen, are scarcely known to have ever existed, their reputations should be relieved from the unjust calumnies that have so long been suffered to attach to them; and the chivalric bravery with which these, and scores of other unhappy Jacobites, laid down their lives on the scaffold, cannot fail to awaken the sympathy and admiration of every Englishman. These brave but ill-fated men, without one exception, faced death with such undaunted firmness as to excite the wonder, sympathy, and respect of the multitudes who attended their executions. Though differing in age, social position, education, and habits, in their demeanour and proceedings on the scaffold, the most perfect similarity was exhibited; for, as Sir Walter Scott says, [32]

“They prayed for the exiled family, expressed their devotion to the cause in which they died, and particularly their admiration of the princely leader whom they had followed till their attachment conducted them to this dreadful fate. It may be justly questioned whether the lives of these men, supposing everyone of them to have been an apostle of Jacobitism, could have done so much to prolong their doctrines as the horror and loathing inspired by so many bloody punishments.”

In the pamphlet [33] to which I have referred, the character of David Morgan is described to have been singularly unamiable and arbitrary. That such was the worst that could be said of him by one who wrote as the advocate and apologist of the dominant party, and the partisan of the ruthless government that doomed him and his ill-fated friends to death, and with whom it was regarded as a political necessity to traduce their characters, and hold them up to public odium, seems to me to afford very conclusive evidence that no discreditable stain rested on his name that even a hireling scribe could distort into a calumny.

The account given of him in the “Genuine Account” is here subjoined in its entirety:—

“Being naturally of a haughty turbulent disposition, his neighbours, tenants, and domesticks, were continually plagued with his ill-humours. But to sum up his character in a few words; he was a morose husband, a tyrannical master, a litigious neighbour, an oppressive landlord, and a false friend. He had pride without the least condescension, avarice without a spark of generosity, illnature without a grain of benevolence. But what his virtues and better qualities were, (if he had any,) has not come to our knowledge. If they had, we should gladly have mentioned them; that the world might not run away with an opinion, that Mr. Morgan was the only man who ever lived half a century without doing one good action, and that he died unlamented by friend, neighbour, or domestick.”