Footnote 290:[ (return) ]
The designation θυσια is first found in the Didache, c. 14.
Footnote 291:[ (return) ]
The Supper was regarded as a "Sacrament" in so far as a blessing was represented in its holy food. The conception of the nature of this blessing as set forth in John VI. 27-58, appears to have been the most common. It may be traced back to Ignatius, ad Eph. 20.2: 'ενα αρτον κλωντες 'ος εστιν φαρμακον αθανασιας, αντιδοτος του μη αποθανειν αλλα ζην εν Ιησου Χριστου δια παντος. Cf Didache, 10.3: 'ημιν εχαρισω πνευματικην τροφην και ποτον και ζωην αιωνιον, also 10.21: ευχαριστουμεν σοι 'υπερ της γνωσεως και πιστεος και αθανασιας. Justin Apol. 1. 66: εκ της τροφης ταυτης 'αιμα και σαρκες κατα μεταβολην τρεφονται 'ημων κατα μεταβολην that is, the holy food, like all nourishment, is completely transformed into our flesh; but what Justin has in view here is most probably the body of the resurrection. The expression, as the context shews, is chosen for the sake of the parallel to the incarnation). Iren. IV. 18. 5; V. 2. 2 f. As to how the elements are related to the body and blood of Christ, Ignatius seems to have expressed himself in a strictly realistic way in several passages, especially ad. Smyr. 7-1: ευχαριστιας και προσευχης απεχονται δια το μη 'ομολογειν, την ευχαριστιαν σαρκα ειναι του σωτηρος 'ημων Ιησου Χριστου, την 'υπερ των 'αμαρτιον 'ημων παθουσαν. But many passages shew that Ignatius was far from such a conception, and rather thought as John did. In Trall. 8, faith is described as the flesh, and love as the blood of Christ; in Rom. 7, in one breath the flesh of Christ is called the bread of God, and the blood αγαπη αφθαρτος. In Philad. 1, we read: 'αιμα Ι. Χρ. 'ητις εστιν χαρα αιωνιος και παραμονος. In Philad. 5, the Gospel is called the flesh of Christ, etc. Höfling is therefore right in saying (Lehre v. Opfer, p. 39): "The Eucharist is to Ignatius σαρξ of Christ, as a visible Gospel, a kind of Divine institution attesting the content of πιστις, viz., belief in the σαρξ παθουσα, an institution which is at the same time, to the community, a means of representing and preserving its unity in this belief." On the other hand, it cannot be mistaken that Justin (Apol. I. 66) presupposed the identity, miraculously produced by the Logos, of the consecrated bread and the body he had assumed. In this we have probably to recognise an influence on the conception of the Supper, of the miracle represented in the Greek Mysteries: Ουχ 'ως κοινον αρτον ουδε κοινον πομα ταυτα λαμβανομεν, αλλ' 'ον τροπον δια λογου θεου σαρκοποιηθεις Ιησους Χριστος 'ο σωτηρ 'ημων και σαρκα και 'αιμα 'υπερ σωτηριας 'ημων εσχεν, 'ουτως και την δι' ευχης λογου του παρ' αυτου ευχαριστηθεισαν τροφην, εξ ης 'αιμα κα σαρκες κατα μεταβολεν τρεφονται 'εμων, εκεινου του σαρκοποιεθεντος Ιησου και σαρκα και 'αιμα εδιδαχθημεν ειναι (See Von Otto on the passage). In the Texte u. Unters. VII. 2. p. 117 ff., I have shewn that in the different Christian circles of the second century, water and only water was often used in the Supper instead of wine, and that in many regions this custom was maintained up to the middle of the third century (see Cypr. Ep. 63). I have endeavoured to make it further probable, that even Justin in his Apology describes a celebration of the Lord's Supper with bread and water. The latter has been contested by Zahn, "Bread and wine in the Lord's Supper, in the early Church," 1892, and Jülicher, Zur Gesch. der Abendmahlsfeier in der aeltesten Kirche (Abhandl. f Weiszacker, 1892, p. 217 ff.
Footnote 292:[ (return) ]
Ignatius calls the thank-offering the flesh of Christ, but the concept "flesh of Christ" is for him itself a spiritual one. On the contrary, Justin sees in the bread the actual flesh of Christ, but does not connect it with the idea of sacrifice. They are thus both as yet far from the later conception. The numerous allegories which are already attached to the Supper (one bread equivalent to one community; many scattered grains bound up in the one bread, equivalent to the Christians scattered abroad in the world, who are to be gathered together into the Kingdom of God; one altar, equivalent to one assembly of the community, excluding private worship, etc.), cannot as a group be adduced here.
Footnote 293:[ (return) ]
Cf. for the following my arguments in the larger edition of the "Teaching of the Apostles" Chap 5, (Texte u. Unters II. 1. 2). The numerous recent enquiries (Loening, Loofs, Réville etc.) will be found referred to in Sohm's Kirchenrecht. Vol. I. 1892, where the most exhaustive discussions are given.
Footnote 294:[ (return) ]
That the bishops and deacons were, primarily, officials connected with the cultus, is most clearly seen from 1 Clem. 40-44, but also from the connection in which the 14th Chap. of the Didache stands with the 15th (see the ουν, 15. 1) to which Hatch in conversation called my attention. The φιλοξενια, and the intercourse with other communities (the fostering of the "unitas") belonged, above all, to the affairs of the church. Here, undoubtedly, from the beginning lay an important part of the bishop's duties. Ramsay ("The Church in the Roman Empire," p. 361 ff.) has emphasised this point exclusively, and therefore one-sidedly. According to him, the monarchical Episcopate sprang from the officials who were appointed ad hoc and for a time, for the purpose of promoting intercourse with other churches.
Footnote 295:[ (return) ]
Sohm (in the work mentioned above) seeks to prove that the monarchical Episcopate originated in Rome and is already presupposed by Hermas. I hold that the proof for this has not been adduced, and I must also in great part reject the bold statements which are fastened on to the first Epistle of Clement. They may be comprehended in the proposition which Sohm, p. 158, has placed at the head of his discussion of the Epistle. "The first Epistle of Clement makes an epoch in the history of the organisation of the Church. It was destined to put an end to the early Christian constitution of the Church." According to Sohm (p. 165), another immediate result of the Epistle was a change of constitution in the Romish Church, the introduction of the monarchical Episcopate. That, however, can only be asserted, not proved; for the proof which Sohm has endeavoured to bring from Ignatius' Epistle to the Romans and the Shepherd of Hermas, is not convincing.
Footnote 296:[ (return) ]
See, above all, 1 Clem. 42, 44, Acts of the Apostles, Pastoral Epistles, etc.
Footnote 297:[ (return) ]
This idea is Romish. See Book II. chap, 11 C.
Footnote 298:[ (return) ]
We must remember here, that besides the teachers, elders, and deacons, the ascetics (virgins, widows, celibates, abstinentes) and the martyrs (confessors) enjoyed a special respect in the Churches, and frequently laid hold of the government and leading of them. Hermas enjoins plainly enough the duty of esteeming the confessors higher than the presbyters (Vis. III. 1. 2). The widows were soon entrusted with diaconal tasks connected with the worship, and received a corresponding respect. As to the limits of this there was, as we can gather from different passages, much disagreement. One statement in Tertullian shews that the confessors had special claims to be considered in the choice of a bishop (adv. Valent. 4: "Speraverat Episcopatum Valentinus, quia et ingenio poterat et eloquio. Sed alium ex martyrii praerogativa loci potitum indignatus de ecclesia authenticae regulæ abrupit"). This statement is strengthened by other passages; see Tertull. de fuga; 11. "Hoc sentire et facere omnem servum dei oportet, etiam minoris loci, ut maioris fieri possit, si quem gradum in persecutionis tolerantia ascenderit"; see Hippol in the Arab. canons, and also Achelis, Texte u. Unters VI. 4. pp. 67, 220; Cypr. Epp. 38. 39. The way in which confessors and ascetics, from the end of the second century, attempted to have their say in the leading of the Churches, and the respectful way in which it was sought to set their claims aside, shew that a special relation to the Lord, and therefore a special right with regard to the community, was early acknowledged to these people, on account of their achievements. On the transition of the old prophets and teachers into wandering ascetics, later into monks, see the Syriac Pseudo-Clementine Epistles, "de virginitate," and my Abhandl i d. Sitzungsberichten d. K. Pr. Akad. d. Wissensch. 1891, p. 361 ff.
Footnote 299:[ (return) ]
See Weizsäcker, Gött Gel. Anz. 1886, No. 21, whose statements I can almost entirely make my own.