Footnote 360:[ (return) ]
Celsus also admits this, or rather makes his Jew acknowledge it (Orig., c. Cels. II. 31). In Book VI. 47 he adopts the proposition of the "ancients" that the world is the Son of God.
Footnote 361:[ (return) ]
See Apol. II. 10 fin.: Σωκρατει ουδεις επεισθη 'υπερ τουτου του δογματος αποθνησκιν Χριστω δε τω και 'υπο Σωκρατους απο μερους γνωσθεντι ... ου φιλοσοφοι ουδε φιλολογοι μονον επεισθησαν.
Footnote 362:[ (return) ]
The utterances of Justin do not clearly indicate whether the non-Christian portion of mankind has only a σπερμα του λογον as a natural possession, or whether this σπερμα has in some cases been enhanced by the inward workings of the whole Logos (inspiration). This ambiguity, however, arises from the fact that he did not further discuss the relation between 'ο λογος and το σπερμα του λογου and we need not therefore attempt to remove it. On the one hand, the excellent discoveries of poets and philosophers are simply traced to το εμφυτον παντι γενει ανθρωπων σπερμα του λογου (Apol. II. 8), the μερος σπερματικου λογου (ibid) which was implanted at the creation, and on which the human 'ευρεσις και θεωρια depend (II. 10). In this sense it may be said of them all that they "in human fashion attempted to understand and prove things by means of reason;" and Socrates is merely viewed as the παντων ευτονωτερος (ibid.), his philosophy also, like all pre-Christian systems, being a φιλοσοφια ανθρωπειος (II. 15). But on the other hand Christ was known by Socrates though only απο μερους; for "Christ was and is the Logos who dwells in every man." Further, according to the Apologist, the μερος του σπερματικου θειου λογου bestows the power of recognising whatever is related to the Logos (το συγγενες II. 13). Consequently it may not only be said: 'οσα παρα πασι καλως ειρηται 'ημων, των Χριστιανων εστι (ibid.), but, on the strength of the "participation" in reason conferred on all, it may be asserted that all who have lived with the Logos (μετα λογου)—an expression which must have been ambiguous—were Christians. Among the Greeks this specially applies to Socrates and Heraclitus (I. 46). Moreover, the Logos implanted in man does not belong to his nature in such a sense as to prevent us saying υπο λογου δια Σωκρατους ηλεγχθη κ.τ.λ. (I. 5). Nevertheless αυτος 'ο λογος did not act in Socrates, for this only appeared in Christ (ibid). Hence the prevailing aspect of the case in Justin was that to which he gave expression at the close of the 2nd Apology (II. 15: alongside of Christianity there is only human philosophy), and which, not without regard for the opposite view, he thus formulated in II. 13 fin.: All non-Christian authors were able to attain a knowledge of true being, though only darkly, by means of the seed of the Logos naturally implanted within them. For the σπορα and μιμημα of a thing, which are bestowed in proportion to one's receptivity, are quite different from the thing itself, which divine grace bestows on us for our possession and imitation.
Footnote 363:[ (return) ]
"For the sake of man" (Stoic) Apol. I. 10: II. 4, 5; Dial. 41, p. 260, Apol I. 8: "Longing for the eternal and pure life, we strive to abide in the fellowship of God, the Father and Creator of all things, and we hasten to make confession, because we are convinced and firmly believe that that happiness is really attainable." It is frequently asserted that it is the Logos which produces such conviction and awakens courage and strength.
Footnote 364:[ (return) ]
Justin has destroyed the force of this argument in two passages (I. 44, 59) by tracing (like the Alexandrian Jews) all true knowledge of the poets and philosophers to borrowing from the books of the Old Testament (Moses). Of what further use then is the σπερμα λογος εμφυτον? Did Justin not really take it seriously? Did he merely wish to suit himself to those whom he was addressing? We are not justified in asserting this. Probably, however, the adoption of that Jewish view of the history of the world is a proof that the results of the demon sovereignty were in Justin's estimation so serious that he no longer expected anything from the σπερμα λογος εμφυτον when left to its own resources; and therefore regarded truth and prophetic revelation as inseparable. But this view is not the essential one in the Apology. That assumption of Justin's is evidently dependent on a tradition, whilst his real opinion was more "liberal."
Footnote 365:[ (return) ]
Compare with this the following passages: In Apol. I. 20 are enumerated a series of the most important doctrines common to philosophers and Christians. Then follow the words: "If we then in particular respects even teach something similar to the doctrines of the philosophers honoured among you, though in many cases in a divine and more sublime way; and we indeed alone do so in such a way that the matter is proved etc." In Apol. I. 44: II. 10. 13 uncertainty, error, and contradictions are shown to exist in the case of the greatest philosophers. The Christian doctrines are more sublime than all human philosophy (II. 15). "Our doctrines are evidently more sublime than any human teaching, because the Christ who appeared for our sakes was the whole fulness of reason" (το λογικον το 'ολον, II. 10). "The principles of Plato are not foreign (αλλοτρια) to the teaching of Christ, but they do not agree in every respect. The same holds good of the Stoics" (II. 13). "We must go forth from the school of Plato" (II. 12). "Socrates convinced no one in such a way that he would have been willing to die for the doctrine proclaimed by him; whereas not only philosophers and philologers, but also artisans and quite common uneducated people have believed in Christ" (II. 10). These are the very people—and that is perhaps the strongest contrast found between Logos and Logos in Justin—among whom it is universally said of Christianity: δυναμις εστι του αρρητου πατρος και ουχι ανθρωπειου λογου κατασκευη (see also I. 14 and elsewhere.)
Footnote 366:[ (return) ]
In Justin's estimate of the Greek philosophers two other points deserve notice. In the first place, he draws a very sharp distinction between real and nominal philosophers. By the latter he specially means the Epicureans. They are no doubt referred to in I. 4, 7, 26 (I. 14: Atheists). Epicurus and Sardanapalus are classed together in II. 7; Epicurus and the immoral poets in II. 12; and in the conclusion of II, 15 the same philosopher is ranked with the worst society. But according to II. 3 fin. (αδυνατον Κυνικω, αδιαφορον το τελος προθεμενω, το αγαθον ειδεναι πλην αδικφοριας) the Cynics also seem to be outside the circle of real philosophers. This is composed principally of Socrates, Plato, the Platonists and Stoics, together with Heraclitus and others. Some of these understood one set of doctrines more correctly, others another series. The Stoics excelled in ethics (II. 7); Plato described the Deity and the world more correctly. It is, however, worthy of note—and this is the second point—that Justin in principle conceived the Greek philosophers as a unity, and that he therefore saw in their very deviations from one another a proof of the imperfection of their teaching. In so far as they are all included under the collective idea "human philosophy," philosophy is characterised by the conflicting opinions found within it. This view was suggested to Justin by the fact that the highest truth, which is at once allied and opposed to human philosophy, was found by him among an exclusive circle of fellow-believers. Justin showed great skill in selecting from the Gospels the passages (I. 15-17), that prove the "philosophical" life of the Christians as described by him in c. 14. Here he cannot be acquitted of colouring the facts (cf. Aristides) nor of exaggeration (see, for instance, the unqualified statement: 'α εχομεν εις κοινον φεροντες και παντι δεομενω κοινωνουντες). The philosophical emperors were meant here to think of the "φιλοις παντα κοινα." Yet in I. 67 Justin corrected exaggerations in his description. Justin's reference to the invaluable benefits which Christianity confers on the state deserves notice (see particularly I. 12, 17.) The later Apologists make a similar remark.
Footnote 367:[ (return) ]
Dialogue 8. The dialogue takes up a more positive attitude than the Apology, both as a whole and in detail. If we consider that both works are also meant for Christians, and that, on the other hand, the Dialogue as well as the Apology appeals to the cultured heathen public, we may perhaps assume that the two writings were meant to present a graduated system of Christian instruction. (In one passage the Dialogue expressly refers to the Apology.) From Justin's time onward the apologetic polemic of the early Church appears to have adhered throughout to the same method. This consisted in giving the polemical writings directed against the Greeks the form of an introduction to Christian knowledge, and in continuing this instruction still further in those directed against the Jews.
Footnote 368:[ (return) ]
Dial. 2. sq. That Justin's Christianity is founded on theoretical scepticism is clearly shown by the introduction to the Dialogue.
Footnote 369:[ (return) ]
Dial. 8: 'ουτως δη και δια ταυτα φιλοσοφος εγω.