El Buscapié

by Adolfo de Castro

The victory of Lepanto, though for a time fatal to the Turks, was not succeeded by any permanent advantage to the coalesced powers. Sultan Selim speedily found a strong ally in the dissentient spirit which prevailed among the Christian rulers. By command of Philip II. Don John returned to Messina, where the victorious fleet was received with public rejoicings. Cervantes, not yet recovered from his wounds, was consigned to the hospital, and he remained in Messina whilst most of the troops were dispersed about in the interior of Sicily. In the following year, his military ardour being unabated, he joined another expedition fitted out by the Chiefs of the League, and sailed this time to the Archipelago. He was present at the storming of Navarino; but the expedition having failed in its object, he once more returned to Messina.

The following winter was spent in preparations for a new armament; but owing to the secession of the Republic of Venice from the league, the Spanish and Papal forces alone were found insufficient for attacking the Turks; and in consequence King Philip determined to fit out an expedition against Tunis. The object of the king was merely the dethronement of Aluch Ali in favour of Muley Mahomet; but John of Austria, to whom was entrusted the command of the expedition, hoped to found for himself an independent sovereignty in Africa; and in furtherance of this object, the pope promised his aid. No sooner did the fleet appear within sight of Goletta than the garrison retired from the fort and the inhabitants of Tunis took to flight. A single regiment then sufficed to take possession of the fortress and the city; and there is good reason to conjecture that Cervantes was in the ranks of that regiment. Don John having erected a new fort took possession of Biserta, and leaving behind him a portion of his force he returned once more to Sicily.

Cervantes, with the regiment to which he belonged, proceeded to Sardinia, where he remained during the winter of 1573 to 1574. He was afterwards sent to Genoa, which was then agitated by insurrectionary movements. To quell those outbreaks, Don John was on the point of leaving Lombardy, when he learned that the Turks were actively assembling their forces with the view of regaining possession of Tunis and Goletta. Without delay the prince embarked at Spezzia, with a division of his troops, in which was Cervantes. He proceeded first to Naples and Messina, and then sailed for the African coast. But the little armada had not advanced far on the voyage, when a violent storm which threatened destruction to the galleys drove them back to the Sicilian shore. Meanwhile Goletta and Tunis, after a gallant defence, were retaken by the Turks, an event which at once crushed the hopes of Don John of Austria.

Cervantes, with his regiment remained for a time in Sicily, under the command of the Duke de Sesa. It would appear that he was afterwards removed to Naples, for he says in the Journey to Parnassus, “that he paced the streets of that city for upwards of a year.”[14] There is, however, good reason for believing that his time was not spent in idly pacing the streets, but that during his stay in Naples, he employed his intervals of respite from military duty, in studying the Italian language and reading the works of the best Italian writers; for it is well known that he possessed an erudite knowledge of the literature of Italy.

Urged by an irresistible desire to revisit his native country, and probably dissatisfied with the scanty recompense awarded to his military services, Cervantes solicited leave to return to Spain. His request was granted in a manner highly gratifying to him, in the year 1575, when Don John and the Duke de Sesa furnished him with letters, recommending him to the notice of King Phillip, as a man whose courage had gained the respect of his officers as well as of his comrades.

With a joyful heart Cervantes embarked in the galley El Sol, accompanied by his brother, Rodrigo, who had joined him in Naples. From that port they both sailed on their return to Spain. But the wished for happiness of revisiting his native land was more remote than was anticipated. On the 26th of September, 1575, the Sol was attacked by an Algerine Corsair. After a brave resistance the galley was captured, and all on board were conveyed to Algiers. In the distribution of the prisoners Cervantes fell to the share of Dali-Mami, a Greek renegade, who, by reason of his lameness, was surnamed “the cripple.” The letters addressed to Phillip II., which Cervantes carried with him, led Dali-Mami to believe that his slave was a Christian knight of distinguished rank; and he treated him with the utmost rigour in the hope of extorting a large sum of money for his ransom. But with the fortitude which marked his character Cervantes patiently endured his misery, whilst his thoughts were occupied by schemes for effecting his own liberation and that of his companions. Having devised a plan of escape to Oran, he prevailed on his friends to join him in carrying it into effect. The fugitives succeeded so far as actually to get away from Algiers, when they were betrayed by a Moor who had undertaken to be their guide. They were conveyed back to their prison and confined with more rigour than before. Cervantes as the ringleader was treated with so much severity, that as he afterwards observed, “he learned in that school of suffering to have patience under misfortune.”[15]

Two descriptions of labour were assigned to the Christian captives in Algiers. Some were employed in rowing the galleys and chebeques, others, and these shared the hardest lot, were kept within the city, in places called the bagnios or baths, which were in reality prisons, and which received their names from the numerous baths they contained. Most of the captives in the bagnios were the slaves of the dey or king, but private persons were occasionally permitted to send their slaves thither, especially those who were expected to be ransomed; the bagnios being considered the most secure places of confinement. The slaves whose ransoms were looked for, were not sent out to labour like the rest: but they wore a chain and, moreover, were wretchedly fed and clothed. Of this number was Cervantes, whose condition as a Spanish Hidalgo, gave his master reason to hope that a large sum would be offered for his liberation.[16]

A Spaniard who had passed some years of slavery in Algiers, and who was ransomed in the year 1639, by the monks of the Order of the Santissima Trinidad, drew up, after his return to Spain a narrative of his captivity. He gives a curious description of the treatment of the Christian slaves in Algiers, together with details respecting the manners and customs of the Moors. This narrative has never been printed; but from a manuscript copy of it in the Biblioteca Real at Madrid, the following extracts have been obtained.

“The Christians in Algiers,” says the writer, “have four churches, in which mass is performed. In my time there were twelve priests who officiated daily. In the principal church, which is situated within the King’s Bagnio, and dedicated to the Santissima Trinidad, there are five priests and a Provisor, appointed by his Holiness. There are seven brotherhoods (cofradías), and in each mass is performed daily. Every day alms are begged from the captives for the purchase of wax tapers and altar decorations. Each priest receives out of these alms one real and a half; this with the money paid for masses is all the priests have to subsist on. In the churches the religious service is very properly performed, and sermons are always preached. The Christians are very ill-treated, especially the priests, who are frequently pelted with stones and dirt by the boys as they pass through the streets. At this present time, 10th of March, 1639, Algiers contains 20,000 Christian slaves, 10,000 soldiers, and 1000 counsellors-of-war. These counsellors act as judges in all trials relating to matters connected with the army or navy; and they never take longer than two days to deliberate on any question. The inhabitants of Algiers, both men and women, live very miserably. Their principal food consists of rice and wheat boiled, with a very small portion of salted meat. Even the richest individuals do not live much better. The daily food of the captives consists only of a small loaf of bread. They are treated very cruelly, especially by the Tagarinos, the descendants of the Moors, expelled from Spain. To force them to press their friends for ransom, their daily tasks of labour are augmented, and they are put in chains—the strongest being sent to the galleys. In every part of the city there are mosques, which the women are not suffered to enter: some of these mosques have a tower or minaret, on which a flag is hoisted at noon, lowered at one o’clock, and then hoisted again at dusk. From these minarets the Moors call the people to prayers. The most profound silence prevails during worship in the mosques; no one dares to speak or even to cough. The prayers are short; and whilst they are repeated, the people are squatted cross-legged on the ground, at intervals rising up and then bowing down to the earth. The mosques are hung with great numbers of glass lamps; but they have no other ornaments. The floors are covered with mats, and the walls and ceilings are arched. Within the mosques there are orange trees, and alcoves for the Morabites, who are held in high veneration; they receive presents from the women, whose husbands, strange to say, do not disapprove of this practice. There is a religious festival on Friday in every week. At their meals the Moors place their food on the ground, without spreading any cloth under the dishes, which are of copper, tinned over; even the richer class do not use utensils of silver. The out-door dress of the women consists of long trousers, reaching to the feet, and fastened round the ankles by rings of gold or silver; their outward garment consists of a large cloak enveloping them from head to foot, and leaving only their eyes uncovered. Their dress is decorous, though their manners are not so. Within doors they wear a long tunic, reaching to the ankle, and made of rich damask, satin or silk; they wear many rich jewels, consisting of bracelets, necklaces, and earrings. Many of these Moorish women are very beautiful; but they indulge much in the habit of smoking.”

It happened that a Spaniard, who had been for some time one of the fellow-captives of Cervantes, having been ransomed, was suffered to return to his native country. On his arrival in Spain, he lost no time in conveying to the father of Cervantes intelligence of the unhappy condition of his two sons Rodrigo and Miguel. The old man, without hesitation mortgaged his little property, though by so doing he reduced himself and the other members of his family to a condition bordering on want, and having raised a considerable sum of money he transmitted it to Algiers. The two brothers were thus placed in a condition to treat for their liberation. But Dali-Mami demanded so high a ransom for Miguel de Cervantes, that the latter generously resigned his share of the money sent from Spain, in favour of his brother Rodrigo, who obtained his deliverance in August, 1577. On his departure, Rodrigo promised to spare no exertions for making known the condition of the captives to persons of influence in Spain, so that some effectual measure might be adopted for their liberation. It was proposed that a ship, despatched from Valencia or from the Balearic Islands, should cruise along the African coast, keeping watch so as to be in readiness to receive the captives whenever they might have an opportunity of effecting their escape. Rodrigo Cervantes carried with him, on his departure from Algiers, a letter from one of the prisoners, a Spanish nobleman, related to the house of Alba;—this letter, it was hoped, would have great weight in furthering the execution of the enterprise. Cervantes had concocted the scheme for the escape of himself and his friends, and every preparation had been made for enabling them to carry it into effect.