At first Yetta was confused by the conflicting organizations which were struggling for support from the workers. There was the American Federation of Labor, to which Mabel gave her allegiance. Its organizers were practical men, interested first, last, and all the time in shop conditions. Effective in their way, but their cry, "A little less injustice, please," seemed timid to Yetta. Then there was the Socialist party. Their theories were more impressive to her—they went further in their demands and seemed to have a broader vision. But of all the Socialists she knew, Braun was the only one who interested himself actively in the organization of the workers. The rest seemed wholly occupied with political action. There was also the Industrial Workers of the World. They cared very little for either firmly organized unions, which were Mabel's hobby, or for the party in which Isadore put such faith. They placed all their emphasis on the Spirit of Revolt. In a more specific way than the other factions they were out for the Revolution. They appealed strongly to that side of Yetta which was vividly touched by the manifold misery she saw about her, the side of her personality which had struck out blindly at Pick-Axe. She recognized that it had been a blind and dangerous impulse. It was not likely to come again. But this phase of her character, although she feared it, she could not despise. It was not dead, it was only asleep. And she knew that the same thing was present in the hearts of all the down-trodden people—her comrades in the fight for life and liberty.

The triangular debate, which she had heard for the first time at Walter's farewell dinner, she heard repeated on all sides. She felt it no longer as an interesting academic discussion, but as the vital problem of the working-class. It was an issue towards which she would have to take a definite attitude.

The welter of ideas, the perplexing conflict between alluring theories and hard facts, was sharply illustrated to her by a mass meeting at Cooper Union which had been called to raise funds for the Western Federation of Miners. All classes of society were shocked at the news of violence and bloodshed in that spectacular outbreak of social war in Colorado. One thing was clear to all—there was no use preaching peace, no use talking about the harmony of interest between labor and capital, there was nothing the Civic Federation could do. The curtain had been torn aside. It was war.

Few of the workers in the city approved of the violent methods to which the miners had resorted. But in the heat of battle such considerations became insignificant. The working-class of New York wanted to help.

Two or three orderly speeches had been made, when confusion was caused by the miners' delegate. Instead of telling the story of the strike, as had been expected of him, he utilized his time in denunciation of the American Federation of Labor and in chanting the praises of Industrial Unionism. The audience had gathered to express their sympathy for the miners. He insulted the organization to which most of these Easterners belonged.

Yetta had never heard a more forceful piece of oratory. He had led a charge against the State militia, and he was not afraid of a hostile audience. His appearance of immense strength dominated the more puny city dwellers. His mighty voice rang out above the tumult and reduced it.

"The A. F. of L.," he shouted, "is a rotten aristocracy. Everywhere it is holding down the less fortunate workers. More strikes are double-crossed by 'labor leaders' than are lost in a fair fight. Until we smash it there's no hope for the working-class. Out in the mines we've already won a three-fifty day. Not for the skilled trades, but for every man who goes down. We don't have any leaders who go to the Civic Federation and drink champagne with the capitalists.

"Look at the unions you're proud of. You know as well as I do that the Big Six scabbed on the pressmen. Nobody in the printing industry has got a chance. The typographers have pigged it all.

"Nobody's got a look-in with the labor fakirs unless they've got enough money to pay initiation fees.