In 1629 another Mayflower vessel brought to Plymouth thirty-five more Pilgrims from Leyden via the new settlement of Salem, and later a smaller number followed, but poorer and less capable, though worthy persons all. This serious matter, resulting partly from the indiscretion of friends, incurred an expense for transportation, new clothing and considerable maintenance, to the amount of over five thousand dollars in our money. The bulk of it was borne by several new partners in England; yet Plymouth's share was equivalent to a thousand dollars or a little more, which was never repaid to the Colony or even demanded back, and became a chief cause of Plymouth's indebtedness during its first quarter of a century. Commenting on this final extra burden from abroad, Bradford thus expresses his wonder "that these poor people here in a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be inabled in time to repay all these ingagments, and many more unjustly brought upon them through the unfaithfulness of some, and many other great losses which they sustained, which will be made manifest, if ye Lord be pleased to give life and time. In ye mean time, I cannot but admire his ways and workes towards his servants, and humbly desire to blesse his holy name for his great mercies hithertoo."
Even more than the intricacies of financial entanglements, the responsibilities of diplomacy rested in large measure upon the colonial leader. He had to deal not only with the unsympathetic home government in England, but at one time with Dutch pretensions in New England, which emanated from Fort Manhattan on the future site of New York City. Perceiving clearly that they possessed a place of immense natural advantage, the desire of these Hollanders was enlarged, to extend their area, both commercially and politically, from this safe and promising base. They therefore sent letters to Plymouth in its seventh year, the year of the trading station's establishment near Buzzard's Bay on the south.
Correspondence opened with this ample salutation as rendered in English:
"Noble, honorable, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and Councillors residing in New Plymouth, our very good friends."
Bradford replied with an equally cordial tone, in which lay no lack of sincerity:
"To the Honoured, &c.
"The Govr & Counsell of New Plim: wisheth, &c. We have received your letters, &c. wherin appeareth your good wills & frendship toward us; but is expressed with over high titls, more than belongs to us, or is meete for us to receive. But for your good will, and congratulations of our prosperitie in these smale beginings of our pore colonie, we are much bound unto you, and with many thanks doe acknowledge ye same; taking it both for a great honour done unto us, and for a certaine testimony of your love and good neighborhood."
After this modest beginning of his message, one discerns in the next sentence, underneath its tenor of genuine amity, a deep note of well disguised warning, that no open question exists in the matter of mutual territorial relations. Thus the subordinate and latent inference is couched, almost like some unintended meaning which nevertheless carries more weight than with a studied significance; for Bradford's very honesty itself was his constant safety:
"Now these are further to give your Worpps to understand, that it is to us no smale joye to hear, that his majestie hath not only bene pleased to confirme yt ancient amitie, aliance, and frendship, and other contracts, formerly made & ratified by his predecessors of famous memorie, but hath him selfe (as you say) strengthened the same with a new-union the better to resist ye prid of yt comone enemy ye Spaniard, from whose cruelty the Lord keep us both, and our native countries."
Following the adroit but legitimate suggestion, that their harmony is the more desirable in view of their natural foes, he concludes with this reminder of their former happy concord in Holland: