[999] Ib., 100-01.
[1000] Ford: P. on C., 284-85. And see Jameson, 40-49.
[1001] Washington to Lafayette, Sept. 18, 1788; Writings: Sparks, ix, 265.
[1002] Connecticut, New Jersey, and Delaware had practically no ports and, under the Confederation, were at the mercy of Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania in all matters of trade. The Constitution, of course, remedied this serious defect. Also, these smaller States had forced the compromise by which they, with their comparatively small populations, were to have an equal voice in the Senate with New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, with their comparatively great populations. And therefore they would have practically equal weight in the law—and treaty-making power of the Government. This was the most formidable of the many rocks on which the Federal Convention all but broke up.
[1003] One proposition was to call the State Convention "within ten days." (See "Address of the Minority of the Pennsylvania Convention," in McMaster and Stone, 458.)
[1004] Ib., 3-4; and see ib., 75. An excuse for these mob methods was that the Legislature previously had resolved to adjourn sine die on that very day. This would put off action until the next session. The Anti-Constitutionalists urged—with entire truthfulness—that even this delay would give the people too little time to inform themselves upon the "New Plan" of government, as it was called, which the Convention was to pass upon in the people's name. "Not one in twenty know anything about it." (Mr. Whitehall in debate in the Legislature; ib., 32.)
[1005] McMaster and Stone, 459-60. This charge was wholly accurate. Both sides exerted themselves to carry the "election." The Anti-Constitutionalists declared that they stood for "the principles of the Revolution"; yet, asserts Graydon, who was at Reading at the time, they sought the support of the Tories; the country lawyers were opposed to the "New Plan" and agreed not "to practice or accept any office under the Constitution"; but the Constitutionalists promised "prothonotaryships, attorney generalships, chief justiceships, and what not," and the hostile attorneys "were tempted and did eat." Describing the spirit of the times, Graydon testifies that "pelf was a better goal than liberty and at no period in my recollection was the worship of Mammon more widely spread, more sordid and disgusting."
Everybody who wanted it had a military title, that of major being "the very lowest that a dasher of any figure would accept." To "clap on a uniform and a pair of epaulettes, and scamper about with some militia general for a day or two" was enough to acquire the coveted rank. Thus, those who had never been in the army, but "had played a safe and calculating game" at home and "attended to their interests," were not only "the men of mark and consideration," but majors, colonels, and generals as well. (Graydon, 331-33.)
Noting, at a later time, this passion for military titles Weld says: "In every part of America a European is surprised at finding so many men with military titles ... but no where ... is there such a superfluity of these military personages as in the little town of Staunton; there is hardly a decent person in it ... but what is a colonel, a major, or a captain." (Weld, i, 236-37.)
Such were the conditions in the larger towns when the members of the Pennsylvania Convention were chosen. The small vote cast seems to justify the charge that the country districts and inaccessible parts of the State did not even know of the election.