When, therefore, we find an extra-legal unpopular government by politocrats established by reason of the long-continued and increasing political ignorance of the voters, who are on the whole an educated and intelligent class of citizens, the necessary inference is that the political duties of the voter and the requirements of self-obtained political education have been placed far beyond his willingness to perform, or perhaps even beyond the possibility of fulfilment by him. To insist then upon self-taught political education which the voter has not in the past and will not in the future and perhaps actually cannot secure is to all practical intents and purposes to ignore utterly the cause which makes the existence of extra-legal unpopular government by politocrats permanent. It offers no means whatever for ridding ourselves of such government.
CHAPTER IV
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT AND CIVIL-SERVICE ACTS
The evolution of the modern politocracy began with the ward boss in districts of our larger cities where voting was ignorant because the population was largely foreign, illiterate, and easily corrupted, cajoled, or frightened. The boss’s methods of carrying elections were coarse. The business of vice and the activities of the underworld were protected and the corrupt and illegal vote increased to the utmost. Indeed, to the average citizen and his leaders it seemed that the power of the boss rested mainly upon the corrupt and illegal vote. They saw that the opportunity of securing this vote was large because of the loose method of conducting elections. At once advocacy of the Australian ballot law became a part of the fight against the boss. Voters must be registered in advance of election day and opportunity given to challenge all voters so registered. The ballot must be secret, so that the corrupter could never be sure that the bribed delivered the vote which he had been paid for. The remedy proposed received an overwhelming popular approval a generation ago and elaborately drawn Australian ballot laws are now almost everywhere in force.
No doubt the Australian ballot laws were a needed and valuable reform indeed, but the power of the boss did not rest ultimately upon the illegal and corrupt vote. Fundamentally it depended upon the political ignorance of the voter. The power of the ward boss not only survived the Australian ballot laws, but it tended to increase with the spread of political ignorance on the part of the voter. Other bosses of a different type sprang up and ruled in districts where the corrupt and illegal vote was negligible, but where political ignorance prevailed among an intelligent population. Then a hierarchy of bosses became a machine and by means of the machine secured the control of the governmental power of a municipality.
In moments when the electorate turned its attention to the matter it observed that the machine and its leaders practiced spoils politics on a large scale. Its workers were being cared for by means of salaries from the public treasury. Efficiency in the service of the machine was a more important qualification for office or employment than efficiency in the service of the municipality. Naturally the enemies of the extra-legal government began an agitation for civil-service acts which should take the places in the public service out of politics—that is, out of the control of the politocrats. Government employees must be appointed only from eligible lists made up by a civil-service commission after holding an examination designed to test the efficiency of applicants. Once appointed from such a list, the appointee must be protected in his position from a discharge based upon political reasons. The enemies of politocracy rallied to the support of the civil-service acts and an appeal to the popular disapproval of the extra-legal government in general secured very widely the adoption of civil-service principles.
No doubt the civil-service acts were necessary and valuable legislation, but the power of the bosses did not rest fundamentally upon their ability to place their workers on the public pay-rolls any more than it had rested upon the corrupt and illegal vote. The power of the extra-legal government still was predicated upon the political ignorance of the voter. This cause not only lay undisturbed, but, with the increase in the number of elective officers, and the multiplication of local governments operating in the same territory, each with a corps of elective officers, it became more and more pronounced and widespread. Even the most intelligent man became by an artificial process politically ignorant and befogged. Local bosses became more usual, less coarse in their methods, and more able. Combinations of bosses secured more governmental power in widening areas of governmental control.
CHAPTER V
ALTRUISTIC EFFORTS TO ENLIGHTEN THE VOTER
A few astute friends of the electorate have perceived that the power of the extra-legal politocracy rested fundamentally upon the political ignorance of the voter, especially the political ignorance of the voter who was an intelligent man and who could render a valuable judgment if he could have the facts. This idea produced the Independent Voters’ League, which through a small executive committee undertakes to gather facts and give out information to the voters about candidates for office. The electorate, of course, should be given information about all candidates in every election. But such a task is too large and (if indeed it be possible at all) would require more money than could be raised by subscription from a comparatively few people. These leagues therefore, when formed, have devoted all their energies to giving the voter information about the candidates for a single office. Thus in Chicago the Municipal Voters’ League informs the electorate in each ward of the city about the candidates for aldermen and those alone. The Illinois Legislative Voters’ League gives out information concerning candidates for the state legislature.
It has been noticeable that of the two the Municipal Voters’ League has been the more effective. This is due in part at least to the fact that at the Chicago aldermanic elections the ballot is very short. In many elections the candidates for the aldermanic office and those alone appear upon the ballot. Thus the voter’s attention is concentrated upon the candidate for a single office from a single district. The advice of the league is, therefore, more easily noted and remembered. On the other hand, the Legislative Voters’ League attempts to advise the voter at an election at which are filled state, county, and judicial offices. The length of the ballot and the number of offices to be filled has already been indicated by the specimen ballot printed, ante, opposite [p. 29]. Naturally the advice is lost in the babel of voices which goes up concerning the candidates for the important local, state, and national offices to be filled.
The bar primaries as they have been held in Chicago are the weakest of all these altruistic efforts to inform the voter how to vote. Such primaries are merely the expression of preferences by the lawyers of Cook County with respect to the candidates for judicial office. They do not characterize any candidate or give any facts concerning his record. Nor is any effort made to promote the election of the men approved at such bar primary. Where a large number of judges are to be selected by an electorate of several hundred thousand, the bar primary is very weak indeed in its function of giving information to the politically ignorant voter.