While you have been attending your most important Convention, debates were also going on in France respecting the constitutional rights, and matters of that kind. Grave reforms are taking place at court. The parliaments are remonstrating, and our provincial assemblies begin to pop out. Amidst many things that were not much to the purpose, some good principles have been laid out; and, although our affairs have a proper arrangement, the nation will not in the last be the loser. The prime minister is a man of candor, honesty, and abilities. But now the rumor of war sets us a-going. Not that France is wishing for it, and Great Britain ought to be satisfied with an advantageous treaty of commerce, and the profit of hers and Prussia’s treachery in Holland. But, while I consider the madness of the Turks, the movements of the Imperial Court, the folly of his Prussian Majesty, the late catastrophe in Holland, and the cry of England for war, I hardly think that the peaceful dispositions of this ministry—and, they say, of Mr. Pitt—will be able to extinguish a fire that is catching in every corner of Europe. It would be consistent with my inclination and best views that America be engaged in an active co-operation. But as I do not think it consistent with her interest, I have taken the liberty to express my ideas in an official letter to Mr. Jay, to whom I refer you. It seems to me, that a friendly, helping neutrality, would be useful to France, profitable to the United States, and perfectly safe on the footing of the treaties. Should America be forced to war, I wish it would be for the last campaign—time enough to occupy Canada and Newfoundland. But I see no inconvenience in privateering with French letters of marque.

Inclosed is the journal of a preliminary assembly in Auvergne. I am returning there as soon as we have done some arrangements respecting American commerce, which will result on as good footing in this kingdom as it is for the moment possible. The ministry are more favorably disposed.

I hope you will be satisfied with Count de Maurice and the Countess de Brehan, his sister-in-law. I beg leave to introduce them both to you and Mrs. Hamilton, to whom I offer my most affectionate regards. Remember me to the rest of the family and all friends. My best compliments wait on Gen. Schuyler and the doctor. Adieu, my good friend. The post is going to town. I have only time to tell that I am ever

Your most affectionate friend,
La Fayette.

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON.

Mount Vernon, October 18, 1787.

Dear Sir:

Your favor, without date, came to my hand by the last post. It is with unfeigned concern I perceive that a political dispute has arisen between Gov. Clinton and yourself. For both of you I have the highest esteem and regard. But as you say it is insinuated by some of your political adversaries, and may obtain credit, “that you palmed yourself upon me and was dismissed from my family,” and call upon me to do you justice by a recital of the facts; I do, therefore, explicitly declare, that both charges are entirely unfounded. With respect to the first, I have no cause to believe that you took a single step to accomplish, or had the most distant idea of receiving an appointment in my family till you were invited thereto. And with respect to the second, that your quitting it was altogether the effect of your own choice.

When the situation of this country calls loudly for unanimity and vigor, it is to be lamented that gentlemen of talent and character should disagree in their sentiments for promoting the public weal; but unfortunately this ever has been, and more than probable ever will be, the case in the affairs of man.

Having scarcely been from home since my return from Philadelphia, I can give but little information with respect to the general reception of the new constitution in this State. In Alexandria, however, and some of the adjacent counties, it has been embraced with an enthusiastic warmth of which I had no conception. I expect, notwithstanding, violent opposition will be given to it by some characters of weight and influence in the State.