Now it has been shown, in the [first section of the preceding chapter], that those wants, instead of being augmented, or even established, are effectually checked by the new measure. If there could be, in the first instance, a hope that cultivation might hereafter be conducted by free labourers, it is destroyed in its bud; and precisely in the degree that the negroes are freed, will the value of the colonies decline.
Political economy is now the fashion. All who are connected with the Legislature, or who take a part in public affairs, are anxious to display their proficiency in this science. Without further comment, an appeal is made to them to pronounce, on weighing well the reasoning referred to, if profitable cultivation in the colonies will not be superseded.
What, then, would be the object of protecting those colonies? They would virtually be lost to this country, in express contradiction to the declared policy of the Legislature.
Section 2.
REBELLION INSTIGATED.
On the other hand, let us suppose compulsory manumission inoperative; that Government discover its latent difficulties, and that they wish ostensibly to enforce its enactment while they fetter it with restrictions to prevent its practical working.
Here it is conceived that still more disastrous consequences would ensue. You tell the negro that he has a right to purchase his freedom; and when he comes forward to claim it, he finds himself mocked and imposed upon.
In common reason, is this the kind of legislation we are to expect after the many warnings we have had of negro-susceptibility, and the well-grounded conviction that there are embers, only wanting one kindling breath to involve the whole colonies in destruction?
Since the agitation of negro-emancipation, within these few years past, a great excitement has prevailed among the slaves, and mischief on no common scale has occurred, merely from the delusion practised upon the negroes as to the pretended benefits intended them. During the insurrection in Demerara, when the insurgents were told by the governor, of the new laws and indulgences to be granted them, they received the boon with comparative derision; they said, to quote the words of the Governor’s despatch, that “those things were no comforts for them; that they were tired of being slaves; that their good King had sent orders that they should be free, and that they would not work any more.”
By obvious analogy we may judge of the danger if an inoperative law be now passed. To inspire hopes which can never be realized, is at any time bad; but in the case of the slaves, it is to render them for ever dissatisfied with their lot, and to arouse every angry passion in their minds. The strongest indignation, therefore, should be expressed at attempts made to palliate the manifold errors of the measure, or to procure the unreflecting concurrence of parties locally interested, by representing that it might ostensibly be allowed to pass, if rendered inoperative, because then no harm can result from it. Such a mode of proceeding to all parties concerned, both master and slave, would be unworthy of the British Government, and not more disingenuous than impolitic.
Imagine, for a moment, the feelings of a slave, who, relying upon the efficacy of the law promulgated, applies for his freedom, but finds all a fallacy! Think of his baffled hope—the pinings of the heart—the burning sense of injustice! And it is all-important to reflect, that the obnoxious object of these excited passions will be the master, or the resident proprietor. The negro will never believe that he has been deceived by the King of England. He will decide, that the King has conferred on him the boon, and that it has been intercepted by combination of the colonial proprietors.