Lorenzo de' Medici, the Magnificent (vol. 1 of 2)

by Alfred von Reumont

CHAPTER VII.

LORENZO DE’ MEDICI IN ROME—PRATO AND VOLTERRA.

We must now return to the events belonging to the summer of 1471. A fortnight after the death of Pope Paul II. the Cardinal of S. Pietro in Vincoli was chosen as his successor. Francesco della Rovere, who took the name of Sixtus IV., was descended from an obscure family in the market-town of Albizzola, near Savona. Their possible relation to the Piedmontese Della Rovera, lords of Vinovi, was first claimed when the tiara had lent a splendour to the name far outshining that of ancient nobility. He belonged to the Franciscan order, and had dedicated his years to the study and teaching of theology, as well as to disputation and preaching, before Paul II. granted him the red hat, and thus fixed him at Rome, where he became one of the most active and influential members of the sacred college. He continued to lead a monastic life even in the cardinal’s purple. In his lodgings at the Esquiline, near the church which gave him his title, and whence he overlooked a great part of the ancient and modern city—which last had not then encroached upon those heights, with their grand ruins of baths and temples—scientific and ecclesiastical questions were discussed, while politics were excluded. And yet this Pope, who had grown up in the cloister, went farther than any of his predecessors in secularising the pontificate, and drawing it into the whirl of a restless policy. Under Sixtus IV. nepotism began to assume a form of aggrandisement, which, instead of being, as hitherto, restricted to the bestowal of fiefs and personal property, extended to the formation of sovereign States, dependent on the Church only in name.

Lorenzo de’ Medici was one of the embassy which the Florentine Signoria sent to congratulate the new Pope. The other ambassadors were Donato Acciaiuoli, Agnolo della Stufa, Bongianni Gianfigliazzi, Domenico Martelli, and Piero Minerbetti, the first of whom was spokesman. Martelli and Minerbetti were knighted in Rome. ‘In the month of September, 1471’ so we read in Lorenzo’s memoirs, ‘I was sent as ambassador to Rome on the occasion of the coronation of Pope Sixtus, and was received very honourably. I brought from thence the two marble busts of Augustus and Agrippa which the Pope presented to me; and besides a chalcedony vase, and many cameos and other things purchased by myself.’ The Pope’s affection and confidence were shown in various ways. The Roman Depository, i.e., the Receiver’s office, was handed over to the Medici, with the permission to choose as their representative Giovanni Tornabuoni, director of the Roman bank. New privileges were also granted to them in connection with their share in the farming of the alum-works of Tolfa. It was an important concession. In the days of Pope Pius II., Giovanni di Castro, son of the famous jurisconsult, Paolo, the principal co-operator in the revision of the Florentine statutes, (finished in 1415), discovered alum-deposits in the rock while making geological investigations in the hilly country between Civita Vecchia and the territory of Viterbo, in the vicinity of Tolfa. He instantly perceived the importance of his discovery, which promised to free the West, hitherto poor in this mineral, from a tribute to the distant East, made more inaccessible by the Turkish conquests. In fact, the produce soon amounted to 160,000 gold florins; and it is well known what sanguine hopes Pius II., whose eyes were directed towards the East, indulged, that this new source of revenue would aid his enterprises. Genoese houses had employed themselves with the alum-trade till the Medici concluded a contract with the Papal exchequer, which afterwards gave rise to many unpleasant misunderstandings with the financial department.

However brilliant and cheerful things might look in Florence, and however bent the people seemed to be on enjoying the fruits of peace, warnings were not wanting that their security rested on a false foundation. In the year 1470 a sudden tumult, to which the exiles of 1466 were no strangers, had created momentary anxiety in the town of Prato, but order had been soon restored. A much more serious case was the rebellion which two years later took place at Volterra, as it not only was a source of misery for the town, but cast the first real shadow on the reputation of Lorenzo de’ Medici.

Volterra, as has been already remarked, had, like all the larger communes of Tuscany, with the exception of Siena and Lucca, come under the supremacy of Florence. It was due partly to powerlessness against complications from without, and partly to repeated and often violent and bloody attempts of individual citizens to establish a monarchy, that the most clear-sighted were brought to a determination to sacrifice a portion of their independence, endangered now from without, and now from within, in order not to lose domestic security and peace together with independence. In the autumn of 1361 the Florentines had gained firm footing in the town (which was suffering under the tyrannical rule of the Belforti family), the civic guard being entrusted to them at first for ten years, and then permanently. Though Florence appointed the Capitano, the Volterrans elected the Podestà and their magistrates as before, and retained the administration of their extensive territory—which could be viewed in all directions from the loftily situated town towards the Maremma, as well as down the valley of the Elsa and Arno. There was no lack of misunderstandings, and the worst was that which arose at the beginning of 1429 on account of the introduction of the registry of land (Cadaster). When the Florentines prepared to crush the insurrection, and no help appeared, it speedily ended with the murder of the originator, but deprived the town of the choice of its Podestà and other rights, which were only regained later. During the miseries which befell these regions of Tuscany about the middle of the century from the Neapolitan campaigns, Volterra remained faithful to the Florentines. The cause of the new disturbances came from a direction whence it was least expected.

If we descend from Volterra to the south, cross the Cecina, which flows in a deep valley to the not far distant sea, and follow the road leading by Pomarance to Massa di Maremma, we reach after a few miles Castelnuovo, which occupies the sides and summit of a hill, and is called Di Val di Cecina, to distinguish it from several other places of the same name. It is now one of the centres of the great industry which, by obtaining borax from the vapours rising from the hot springs and Solfatari (Lagoni) of this district, so rich in volcanic phenomena, has brought undreamed of wealth and a beneficial activity to Volterra. Four centuries ago another mineral production was in question, namely, alum, which had been worked for 200 years already, and, therefore, long before Tolfa was discovered, without apparently having yielded much. In 1471 Benuccio Capacci, of Siena, made a proposal to the Signoria of Volterra regarding the farming of these alum-works, which proposal was accepted after a short consultation by the just retiring magistracy, and, as it would appear, through the mediation of the chancellor, Antonio Ivano, although from the first a strong opposition had been raised in the city, and a reconsideration of the question by the newly appointed magistrates was demanded. Next came the charge that the rights of the commune had been infringed by the contract. The contractors, that is to say, Benuccio and his partners, among whom were several distinguished Florentines, insisted that the commune was bound by the contract; the commune objected that the contract was not only a gross violation of the interests of the whole body, but was also illegal because the votes had not been unanimous, as was prescribed in every case of the sale or lease of the common property—a position which the opponents could not dispute, although it was shown to be fallacious in practice. During this quarrel the contractors had taken possession of the mines, and worked them with great zeal, without troubling themselves about the protest. But, as they could not conceal from themselves that the matter caused great offence, they offered to pay a higher lease, whereupon the commune appointed a commission of eight citizens, which, however, could not come to agreement with Benuccio and his companions. The Volterran Signoria seem now to have lost patience. They appointed a new commission of twelve members, and these sent an armed force to Castelnuovo, who took possession of the mines, and violently prevented the continuance of the works.

Hitherto the controversy had been confined to the town of Volterra and the contractors. Now came the interference of Florence. Two of the shareholders, Paolo Inghirami and Benedetto Riccobaldi, men of good family, had repaired to Florence. It was all the easier for them to procure a hearing, as distinguished Florentines, Gino Capponi, Antonio Giugni, and Bernardo Bonagiusti, belonged to the trading company with which was also connected Lorenzo de’ Medici, whom we already know as a chief contractor in the alum-trade. A plenipotentiary went to Volterra to obtain the restitution of the mines to the company. When he met with opposition, the Podestà removed first four, and his successor several other citizens, who were to remain under supervision at Florence. The contractors were at the same time reinstated, and Lorenzo de’ Medici entrusted with the final decision. However much the excitement increased at Volterra, the Signoria of the town persuaded the exiles to yield, so that a composition might have been possible, had not Paolo Inghirami after his return excited so much bitterness by his arrogant proceedings that an insurrection broke out. Paolo and several of his friends who had taken refuge in the palace of the Podestà were besieged there by the furious people; two were killed, the others escaped with difficulty, and the Podestà found protection in the palace of the Signoria. As the matter had gone so far, a magistracy of ten was appointed, as in times of war, to undertake the guidance of affairs, with the reservation, however, that nothing should take place which was contrary to the duty of the town towards the Florentine commune. An embassy went at the same time to Florence to explain the state of the case.

Here opinions were divided. Tommaso Soderini stood at the head of the few who entertained the opinion that a fire must be avoided at home; the Volterrans should be punished, but not driven to rebellion; while no ground of complaint or interference should be given to the Pope and other neighbours; and that they should proceed cautiously in this doubtful question. Lorenzo de’ Medici was of another opinion. He remembered the repeated insubordination of the Volterrans, and concluded that their pride must be broken for ever. Unfortunately he prevailed. Of course the extreme party in Volterra now gained the upper hand, and action commenced on both sides. On April 26, 1472, the Volterrans who were in Florence were brought as prisoners to the palace of the Priors, and war was declared. A Balia of twenty citizens was appointed, and the sum of 100,000 gold florins set apart for the equipment of the army. Volterra appealed to King Ferrante and Galeazzo Maria Sforza against Florentine violence; but the Duke of Milan and Pope Sixtus IV. sent reinforcements to the Florentines, and Volterra only obtained assistance from Siena and the Appiani of Piombino, who, on account of the attempt of the previous year, had no reason to be on friendly terms with Florence, and especially with Lorenzo. But only about a thousand foot-soldiers assembled in the town, while the Florentines entrusted the generalship to the most capable warrior of his time, the Count of Urbino; and he, supported by the counsel of the two commissaries, Bongianni Gianfigliazzi and Jacopo Guicciardini, advanced into the Volterran territory with at least 5,000 foot and 500 horse, and, defenceless as the land was, easily took possession of it and began the siege of the town.

Volterra is a town whose position would have enabled it to hold out for months against the military science and artillery of those days. But the foreign garrison was discouraged and undisciplined, the citizens were divided, and the presence of many country people, who had the ruin of their possessions before their eyes, did not contribute to strengthen the defence. The unexpectedly prompt attack had, moreover, prevented a sufficient provisioning of the town. For five-and-twenty days the Volterrans held out against the cannonade, which seriously damaged their old walls. They then opened the gates, after having concluded a treaty with the commissaries, according to which the possessions, honour, and life of the citizens should remain uninjured. On June 17, Federigo di Montefeltro rode into the now pacified town. Scarcely had he, however, reached the square before the palace of the Signoria with his troop than there arose a disturbance through the insolence of a soldier, who attacked and robbed a councillor who was going home. This led to a general sack, and filled the unhappy town with all the horrors which could be expected after a conquest by storm from a licentious soldiery. The dreadful treatment of Volterra has left a dark stain on the otherwise honourable name of the Count of Urbino and on the reputation of the Florentines.