“The end of the Turkish Empire in Europe has come. All that is now wanted is patience, and waiting is not difficult, since war is impossible with a State which will perish more quickly by the effect of its internal crisis than through a foreign army. Russia will have time enough to save the Christians from the misfortune that might befall them through the fall of Turkey. It is now more to the advantage of Russia, as well as of the Christians, to wait and see how the course of Turkish decay will shape itself than to prolong the process of dissolution by interference.”[20]
The exile of Midhat, and the consequent change in the Ministry, also caused the very greatest commotion throughout the greater part of the Turkish population.[21] But the Sultan had taken every precaution against the possibility of any insurrection on the part of the people in favour of the exiled Grand Vizier, and he hastened to assemble Parliament, in order that he might gain the credit of being considered even more liberal than his Grand Vizier; and to show that the downfall of Midhat by no means involved the abolition of the recently promulgated Constitution, he opened Parliament.
The opening of the new Parliament had been fixed for the 1st March, but owing to the fact that many of the deputies from the more distant provinces had not arrived in the capital, the ceremony was adjourned till the 4th March. On that day Parliament was opened with great ceremony by the Sultan in the Palace of Dolma‐Bagtche.
On the right of the throne stood the Ministers and high functionaries, the Chiefs of the Christian communities, and members of the Council of State; on the left, the Ulema, and Cadi, and Heads of the High Courts of Justice, with the Generals of Division; behind these the pages of the Court. Behind the throne were the Foreign Representatives, and interspersed between the groups on the right and left of the throne were the Senators and Representatives in the Parliament. The Sultan entered, dressed in black, and stood by the throne with his hand on his sword, whilst his First Secretary read the following Opening Speech:—
The Sultan’s Speech.
“Senators and Deputies,—Gentlemen,—The difficulties and dangers which our general situation presents cannot be compared to any of the crises through which the Empire has hitherto passed. I was obliged, first of all, in order to guard the rights of the Empire, to augment the effective force of our armies at various points, and to call under arms 700,000 combatants. Next I considered it a duty to try, by means of essential reforms, to put an end, with God’s help, to the disorder of the situation, and thus to insure our future in a permanent fashion. It is evident that, thanks to the resources with which Providence has endowed our country, and the aptitudes of our subjects, a good administration would enable us in a short time to make considerable progress. If we have not reached the level of progress of other parts of the civilised world, the cause of this must be traced to the instability of the institutions necessary to the State, and of the laws and regulations issuing therefrom. This instability proceeded from everything, being in the hands of an absolute Government, which disregarded the salutary principle of common deliberation. The progress effected by civilised States, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in the administration of public affairs. This is why we thought it necessary to seek in that course the means of arriving at progress, and of enacting and enforcing laws adopted by the common consent of the population. For this purpose I have granted and promulgated the Constitution. By the promulgation of the Constitution, I have not simply designed to invite the population to share in the direction of public affairs; I have had the firm resolution of employing the deliberative system as an effective means for the amelioration of the administrative system of the country, to preserve it from maladministration and absolutism. Irrespective of these fundamental advantages, the Constitution guarantees the unity of the governed, and confirms the principle of the welfare and fraternal solidarity of the population; for our illustrious ancestors, having, by God’s grace, extended their possessions and aggrandised the Empire, have combined under their rule a large number of peoples. These peoples being of various nationalities and religions, it was desirable that a uniform law should unite and protect them all. I give thanks to Divine Providence for this legitimate aspiration being at length realised. Henceforth all my subjects will be considered children of the same country, and will be placed under the protection of one law. They will be designated by the name borne by the illustrious race of the Founders of the Empire—a name associated with the glorious annals of a history of 600 years. I have a firm conviction that from this moment all my subjects will unite their efforts to make the name Osmanli retain the force and power hitherto surrounding it. I am therefore resolved, in view of this ideal and these reasons, not to deviate from the course which I have just adopted, and ever to adhere closely to it. I expect from you a real and intelligent co‐operation, in order to derive legitimate benefit from the Constitution, which is based on justice and the public security. I have deemed it necessary to insure to all the advantages of liberty and equality, to abolish the system of arbitrariness, to enact and execute laws adopted in common accord with the population, and, lastly, to found our administrative system on constitutional and liberal principles. It is in order to realise this sincere desire that I have created and convoked your body, composed of the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. It now devolves on you faithfully and honestly to fulfil the legislative duties intrusted to your patriotism. In this task you should not be influenced by any personal considerations, but have in view only the faithful maintenance of the safety and welfare of the State and country. The improvements which we now need, and the reforms in all the public services, are of the highest importance. The gradual application of these measures depends on the accord which shall prevail among you. The Council of State is engaged in framing Bills which will be submitted to you. In the present Session you will have before you Bills on the Standing Orders of the Chamber, the Electoral Law, the General Law respecting the Vilayets and the Government of the Communes, the Municipal Law, the Civil Code of Procedure; the laws relative to the re‐organisation of the Tribunal and the mode of promoting and superannuating Judges, the Law concerning the functions and retiring pensions of all public functionaries in general, the Law of the Press, that respecting the Court of Accounts, and, lastly, the Budget Law. I desire that these different Bills be successively studied and discussed. You will have especially to occupy yourselves with the re‐organisation of the Tribunals, the only safeguard for the rights of everyone, and with the formation of the gendarmerie. In order to attain this end, it will be necessary to augment the amount of special grants for these two branches of the Service. As you will see from the Budget which will be submitted to the Chamber, our finances are in an extremely difficult situation. I recommend you, above all, to adopt common measures adapted to meet the difficulties of the situation and to restore our credit. You will have moreover, to take measures to insure the supply of funds required for urgent reforms. One of the greatest wants of our Empire and of our subjects is the development of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and of public wealth. This result can only be obtained by means of the development of public instruction. Measures with the object of improving educational establishments, and of fixing the programme of studies, will be submitted to the Chambers in the Session of next year. The Imperial Government attaches the greatest importance to the choice and appointment of the functionaries who will be called upon to apply and execute the above‐mentioned laws and those which will be ultimately promulgated for the working of the Constitution. Since my accession to the Throne I have given particular attention to this question. It is for this reason that I have decided on instituting, at my own expense, a special school for the education of administrative officials. As stated by the published organic regulations of that school, they will be admitted to the highest administrative and political posts. The pupils will be selected without distinction of religion, from all classes of my subjects. Their promotion will be according to the degree of their capacity. For nearly two years we have had to face internal complications. During this period, especially during the hostilities with Servia and Montenegro, our faithful subjects have given proofs of patriotism, and our troops have done, at the price of great suffering, acts of courage and bravery which I profoundly appreciate. In all questions we have only had the defence of our rights in view. The efforts we have made for this purpose have had the result of restoring peace with Servia. As to the decision we shall take in the negotiations with Montenegro, it will be referred to your deliberations at their first sitting. I advise you to be prompt in deciding. Our relations with friendly Powers are still marked by that courtesy and deference which are among the most precious rules for our State. Several months ago the Government of England proposed the meeting of a Conference in our capital for the consideration of the present questions. The bases proposed being also supported by the other Great Powers, our Sublime Porte consented to the meeting of the Conference. Though a definite understanding was not obtained in that Conference, we have given proofs of our sincere desire to defer to the wishes and counsels of friendly Powers. As to the causes of the non‐agreement of the Conference, these lay rather in the form and the mode of execution than in the substance. I thoroughly appreciate the imperative necessity of continuing the efforts for progress, by which so much has already been achieved, from the origin of the Tanzimat till this time, in all branches of the administration, and in the general condition of my Empire. All our efforts still tend towards that object. But on this occasion I considered it my duty to preserve the country from all attacks on its honour and independence. Time will prove the sincerity of our intentions. Our desire being in all cases to maintain our rights and independence, we adopt also for the future the same line of conduct. I rejoice to think that the proofs of moderation and sincerity furnished by our State, before and after the Conference, will have served to strengthen the bonds of friendship and sympathy which unite my Empire to the Concert of European Powers. May the Almighty deign to grant success to our common efforts!”
Thus, against his will, the Sultan had been obliged to keep his word and to open the Chamber of Deputies, but he now left no means untried in order to deprive the people of the privilege which he had just granted them. It so happened that events occurred which furnished him with certain opportunities, of which he took advantage with the greatest astuteness, and which were very much to the detriment of the nation.
The refusal of the Porte and of the Grand Council to accept the propositions formulated at the Conference had placed Turkey in an exceedingly critical position, although the whole civilised world, with the exception of Russia and the Sultan Abdul Hamid, were convinced that this refusal was of no great importance, since the solemnly proclaimed Constitution had assured the Empire that the necessary reforms should be made, and that the maladministration should be brought to an end. Nevertheless, the fall of Midhat, of the very man to whom the empire owed this Constitution, gave rise to doubt as to the execution of the promised reforms. On 19th April, Prince Gortchakoff sent out his Circular to the Powers, and on the 24th of April hostilities were begun by Russia.
Public opinion in Turkey was thus entirely engrossed by the danger with which the empire was threatened from outside, and was no longer able to concentrate itself on the changes that were taking place in the internal government. All minds were excited at the near approach of Russia, and were unable to occupy themselves in the maintenance of those rights which had been conferred by the new charter. The Sultan was thus able to attain his object, and finding no longer any obstacle to his will, he closed the Parliament and exiled the few deputies who dared to raise their voice in protest.