But in this instance, as in all others where the robbery of the many by the few is concerned, truth is put upon the defensive. The grafters, as they might naturally be expected to do, not only shower upon the truth-tellers their scorn and derision, but even the people who are being robbed are doubtful or suspicious. They are not so certain that if robbers be stopped robbery will be stopped. They suspect the statement that, if nothing be taken from something, something will remain untouched. They want us to prove, not only that two and two make four, but that nothing from four leaves four.
But they don’t ask the “regulation” send-them-to-jail gentlemen to prove anything. When these grafters say two from four leave four nobody expresses a doubt. Everybody is ready to believe that that which has never been done can be easily done. Few are ready to believe that that which might easily be done can be done at all.
The public attitude toward the Coal Trust and the railroads constitutes possibly the only exception to this rule. The Coal Trust and the railroads have so wronged the people that the people would doubtless welcome their ownership by the government. If the people were to vote directly upon the question: “Shall the government take over the ownership of the anthracite coal mines and the railroads?” it is probable that the affirmative majority would be not less than two to one. Yet, notwithstanding the fact that the coal question can be solved only with ballots, the Socialists are the only ones who seem ever to try with their ballots to solve it. The rest of the people, while opposed to the conditions that exist, vote the tickets of parties that are pledged to maintain the conditions that exist.
Every man who voted for Wilson, Roosevelt or Taft voted to keep the coal supply of the nation in private hands and the railroads in private hands.
Those who voted for Mr. Wilson voted to “destroy” the Coal Trust and “send the trust magnates to prison.”
Those who voted for Mr. Roosevelt voted to permit the Coal Trust to continue to own the nation’s coal supply, provided only that it be “good.” Otherwise, a “strong” commission appointed by Mr. Roosevelt would proceed to administer “social justice.”
Those who voted for Mr. Taft voted to break the Coal Trust into bits.
Candidly, let us ask, did either of these plans suit anybody? Is there anybody who would not have vastly preferred that the government take over the ownership of the anthracite coal mines and operate them for the benefit of the people? A plan of governmental ownership and operation would have settled the coal question instantly. A government that can dig the Panama Canal can dig coal.
But there is no likelihood whatever that Mr. Wilson’s plan to destroy the Coal Trust and all other trusts will settle the coal question at all. The Coal Trust cares nothing for courts. Mr. Hearst attacked the Coal Trust more vigorously in the courts than any President ever attacked any trusts in the courts. Mr. Hearst came out of court absolutely empty-handed. He gained a few paper victories, but he gained no substantial victory. He never halted for a moment the upward flight of the price of coal.
Mr. Wilson, if he try ever so hard, can do no better. So long as the principle of the private ownership of the anthracite coal fields is admitted—and Mr. Wilson admits this principle as fully as does anybody—nothing can be done. Corporations can be split up into bits, it is true, as the Standard Oil Company was split up, but what do such splits amount to? Absolutely nothing. The ownership is not changed. The dominating owners continue to handle the pieces as they formerly handled the whole.