Upham, though he had perused the minutes of testimony to which we allude, elected to use a briefer report of Tituba’s statements, which was made by Ezekiel Cheever. The more extended one he noticed thus: “Another report of Tituba’s examination has been preserved in the second volume” (we find it in vol. iii., appendix, p. 185) “of the collection edited by Samuel G. Drake, entitled the ‘Witchcraft Delusion in New England.’ It is in the handwriting of Jonathan Corwin, very full and minute.” It is “full, minute,” and abounding in facts which the faithful historian should adduce and comment upon. It was written out by one of the magistrates before whom Tituba was examined, and therefore its authority is good. It surprises us that the historian who noticed it as above failed to use much important matter contained in it which was lacking in the report that he preferred to this.
Drake, under whose supervision this ampler report was first printed, says, in Woodward’s “Historical Series,” No. I. Vol. III. Appendix p. 186, that “it is valuable on several accounts, the chief of which is the light it throws on the commencement of the delusion.... This examination, more, perhaps, than any of the rest, exhibits the atrocious method employed by the examinant of causing the poor ignorant accused to own and acknowledge things put into their mouths by a manner of questioning as much to be condemned as perjury itself, inasmuch as it was sure to produce that crime. In this case the examined was taken from jail and placed upon the stand, and was soon so confused that she could scarcely know what to say. While it is evident that all her answers were at first true, because direct, straightforward, and reasonable. The strangeness of the questions and the long persistence of the questioners could lead to no other result but confounding what little understanding the accused was at best possessed of.... The examination was before Messrs. Hathorne and Corwin. The former took down the result, which is all in his peculiar chirography.” Upham, it will be noticed, says the report was written by Corwin, while Drake here ascribes it to Hathorne. But since those two men were both present as joint holders of the examining court, the authority of either gives great value to the document; we regard the record as having been made by Corwin.
While Drake says this record of “the examination is valuable” for “the light it throws on the commencement of the delusion,” he also calls it a “record of incoherent nonsense.” The public very narrowly escaped loss of opportunity to get at the important and luminous facts contained in this document. Drake, in 1866, says, “The original (now for the first time printed) came into the editor’s hands some five and twenty years since,” at which time, “on a first and cursory perusal of the examination of the Indian woman belonging to Mr. Parris’s family, it was concluded not to print it, and only refer to it; that is, only refer to the extract from it contained in the History and Antiquities of Boston. But when editorial labors upon these volumes were nearly completed, a re-perusal of that examination was made, and the result determined the editor to give it a place in this Appendix.” We are constrained to doubt whether this editor attained to anything like either fair comprehension of the value of this document even upon its re-perusal, or that he perceived one half the import which facts fairly give to the following words from his pen: “The record of this examination throws light on the commencement of the delusion.” Yes, light upon the time, place, source, and nature of that commencement, and which also discloses who was the originating, and probably the guiding agent of all that witchcraft’s subsequent process up to its culmination—light which, to great extent, exculpates both the fathers and their children—light which reveals the true actors and exonerates their unconscious instruments. That document, read, as it now can be, with help from modern revealments, proves that some spirit, or a band of spirits, was witchcraft’s generator and enactor at Salem, and indicates that simple Tituba comprehended the genuine source of the disturbance more clearly than did any other known person of that generation. She furnished for transmission a key that now unlocks the door of the chamber of mystery, in which she and her associates were made to enact thrilling and bloody scenes one hundred and eighty years ago.
That such as desire to do so may be enabled to peruse the whole of her testimony, which probably can now be found printed only in Woodward’s very valuable Series of original documents pertaining to witchcraft,—a work too voluminous and costly to obtain general circulation,—we shall do what we can to further public accessibility to Tituba’s statement, ungarbled and unabridged. Still, to both relieve and enlighten the reader, we shall break up its continuity by interjecting comments upon many parts as we go on, but do this in such form, that, if the reader chooses to peruse the whole unbiased by comment, he can; for this will require only an observance of our quotation marks. By skipping our comments he can read in their original collocations all parts of what Drake calls “incoherent nonsense,” but which to us, notwithstanding some perplexing incoherence of both questions and answers, is rich in instructive facts.
Prior to March 1, the malady seems to have spread out beyond the parsonage and seized upon other persons, for on that day several afflicted ones were convened as witnesses, or accusers, or both, at the place where the magistrates then appeared for attending to the cases of three women who had been accused of witchcraft, arrested, and held for examination. Here was the commencement of reputed folly and barbarity so exercised as soon to redden that region with the blood of the innocent, the manly, the virtuous, and the devout.
Sarah Good, Sarah Osburn, and Tituba were brought into the meeting-house as suspected witches and as producers of the sufferings of the several afflicted ones, to be examined in the presence of their accusers and the public. What course the magistrates either elected or were constrained to pursue in order to educe such facts as would sustain a charge for witchcraft, will reveal itself as we proceed, through the questions which they put to the accused, and the kinds of evidence which they admitted.
Tituba.
“Tituba, the Indian woman, examined March 1, 1692.
“Q. Why do you hurt these poor children? What harm have they done unto you?