"I am sorry to say, my dear boy, that she refuses."

For a moment neither of them spoke, then James went on— "She wishes certain reforms to be carried out which would hardly be agreed to by the shareholders of a public company."

Trent nodded. "Rosemary's Socialism!"

But James did not agree. "Well, of course," he said, "it's very easy to call a thing socialism merely because it's inconvenient, but after all a great deal depends upon the way in which it is done. At bottom, Trent, I'm not really convinced that some of your mother's notions aren't just! One's ideas get fixed, you know, one's too apt to look at things from one's own point of view!"

Trent stared at him. "Do you intend to put these notions into practice then? And what about the new scheme?"

James's mild air rebuked his son's impatience. "The new scheme, I'm afraid, must be abandoned for the time. And as for these reforms, I don't tie myself down to any particular plan, but I intend to devote a certain amount of attention to the health and the conditions of our employees. After all"—his voice became brisk—"there are more ways of attaining an influential position than money alone. And I take it that what you really need, my dear fellow, in your own affairs, is not so much more money as a more important name. I say 'you need' because I feel that as the responsibility for this situation rests to a certain extent with me, it is particularly my duty to see that you do not suffer by it."

Trent moved uneasily. He always disliked his father's serene assumption that he could not manage his own affairs for himself. He would have shown his dislike more definitely if he had not known that as a matter of fact the assumption was more or less true. Lady Hester's mamma had recently forbidden her to write to him.

"Well," James went on, "I've been thinking it over, and I've almost determined to go into Parliament. First we'll reorganise the business—put it on to a more philanthropic basis. Then I'll attend to that knighthood, and at the same time start work on a constituency. After all I'm not a bad speaker, when it comes to speaking, and I really feel that we business men don't pay sufficient attention to politics. One owes, after all, a sort of duty to the nation. When I have put our relations with our employees on to a thoroughly sound footing, it seems to me that my presence in Parliament might have a real, though of course, only a small, value—-"

So that was it! Trent permitted himself a moment of irony. "It's very good of you, sir, to adopt such a strenuous career on my account, though I've not the least doubt that you'll make a success of it. But as far as I'm concerned, of course, the effect depends upon what side you are on. The Iredales are naturally Conservatives."

James was taken aback. "Well, well," he said, "it's a great pity that our leisured classes are so bigoted. They'd have far more real power, believe me, if they looked beyond their immediate prejudices! Look at this land legislation! Should we ever have had it if more of our landowners were Liberals? Still, of course, that doesn't help you, my boy." He thought for a moment, and then his face brightened. "After all," he said, "I'm not going into this as a party man. It's a definite mission—something, in its way, above party. There might even be advantages in starting the thing from the least likely quarter—I don't want at all to create the impression that I'm attacking the established order. My ideas are definitely constructive. Now that you put it to me I'm not at all sure that it wouldn't create less ill-feeling—though of course there's their damn-fool protection— And the knighthood—no, I'm afraid it wouldn't do!" he sighed.