[59] Chronique de la Pucelle, p. 329. Journal du siège, p. 121.
[60] Le Jouvencel, vol. ii, p. 35.
[61] Monstrelet, vol. iv, p. 346.
[62] Perceval de Cagny, p. 162.
[63] Jean Chartier, Chronique de la Pucelle. Journal du siège. Monstrelet, loc. cit.
[64] Chronique de la Pucelle, p. 332. Perceval de Cagny, p. 165. Jean Chartier, Chronique, vol. i, p. 106. Cochon, p. 457. G. Lefèvre-Pontalis, La panique anglaise, Paris, 1894, in 8vo, pp. 10, 11. Morosini, vol. iii, p. 215, note 3. Ch. de Beaurepaire, De l'administration de la Normandie sous la domination anglaise aux années 1424, 1425, 1429, p. 62 (Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie, vol. xxiv).
[65] A virelay was a later variation of the lay, differing from it chiefly in the arrangement of the rhymes (W.S.).
[66] Le Roux de Lincy and Tisserand, Paris et ses historiens, pp. 426 et seq.
[67] A winged stag (le cerf-volant) is the symbol of a king. Froissart thus explains its origin. Before setting out for Flanders, in 1382, Charles VI dreamed that his falcon had flown away. "Thē apered sodenly before hym a great hart with wynges whereof he had great joye." And the hart bore him to his lost bird. Froissart, Bk. II, ch. clxiv. [The Chronycle of Syr John Froissart translated by Lord Berners, vol. iii, p. 339, Tudor Translation, 1901.] (W.S.) According to Juvénal des Ursins, Charles VI, in 1380, met in the Forest of Senlis a stag with a golden collar bearing this inscription: Hoc me Cæsar donavit (Paillot, Parfaite science des armoiries, Paris, 1660, in fo., p. 595). In the works of Eustache Deschamps this same allegory is frequently employed to designate the king. (Eustache Deschamps, œuvres, ed. G. Raynaud, vol. ii, p. 57.)
[68] Morosini, vol. iii, pp. 66, 67.