Africa and the American Flag

by Andrew H. Foote

This case, and many others, were in reality very hard and perplexing. The Liberian was virtually of no country. His government, in the eyes of national law, was no government. This was an evil and threatening state of things. The colonial authorities could not do right without hazard. For it was right to extend their jurisdiction, and regulate trade, and substitute fixed duties for the old irregular systems of presents or bribes to the chiefs. But they had not political law on their side. They had the advantage, however, of a good era in the world’s history.

Mr. Everett, the American Minister to England, on this subject had said, in his note to Lord Aberdeen, 30th of December, 1843: “The undersigned greatly fears, that if the right of the settlement to act as an independent political community, and as such to enforce the laws necessary to its existence and prosperity, be denied by Her Majesty’s government; and if the naval force of Great Britain be employed in protecting individual traders in violation of these laws, the effort will be to aim a fatal blow at its very existence.”

The British government seemed to consider that a political community could not act as independent, which neither was in fact, nor professed to be, independent; and also supposed that it could hardly answer to its people for acknowledging a right not claimed on a foundation of fact. But the Lords of the Admiralty gave orders to the Commodore of the squadron on the coast, for the cruisers off Liberia “to avoid involving themselves in contentions with the local authorities of the Liberian settlements upon points of uncertain legality;” and added, “great caution is recommended to be observed in the degree of protection granted to British residents, lest, in maintaining the supposed rights of these residents, the equal or superior rights of others should be violated.”

Mr. Upshur, Secretary of State, in his correspondence, announced that the American government regarded Liberia “as occupying a peculiar position, and as possessing peculiar claims to the friendly consideration of all Christian powers.” There was found afterwards little difficulty in treating the matter, when put in this light.

In the mean time, circumstances looked very disheartening, when the government was committed to the hands of Joseph J. Roberts; for upon the decision of this question with England depended the stability and progress of the colonies. If they could not control their own shores, intercept evil, repulse wrong, and foster good; if they could not expel the contrabandist, secure the native chiefs from being bribed to slaving and all kinds of evil, there was an end to their progress.

Looking to the interior concerns, however, there was much that was promising. Civilization, with its peace, intelligence and high aims, was rooted in Africa. The living energy of republicanism was there. Christianity, in various influential forms, was among the people. Education was advancing, and institutions for public good coming into operation. Governor Buchanan had, among his last efforts, addressed an audience in the Lyceum at Monrovia.

Schools were supporting themselves among the colonists, although, when established for the benefit of the natives, they were maintained by missionary associations in the United States. Native hereditary enmity and faction were yielding perceptibly, in all directions, to the gentle efficacy of Christian example. All this constituted a great result.

The physical, material and political resources, or agencies, were small. A few men, in a distant land, had taken up the subject of African colonization amidst the sectional strifes, political controversies and gigantic enterprises of a mighty nation, and held fast to it. A few, of pre-eminent generosity, surrendered their slaves, or wealth, or personal endeavors, to forward it. No one could stand on Cape Mesurado, and see the intermingled churches and houses; the broad expanses of interior waters, bordered by residences, and see a people elevated far, very far, to say the least, above those of their color in other parts of the world, without the consciousness that a great work was begun. To meet everywhere the dark-browed men of Africa, solely the governors of it all, indicated a great fact in the history of the negro race.

Other movements among men were falling into a correspondence with these proceedings. A great awakening in regard to Africa was pervading Europe. The Niger expedition had entered “the valley and shadow of death,” which extends its fatal circle round the white man as he penetrates among the wide lagoons, the luxuriant verdure, and sunny slopes of Africa. The world regarded it as a calamity, when the fatal consequence of this attempt came to light. Men were willing to continue the sacrifice of life and treasure, if any prospect of success should be seen. All entrances, north, south, east and west, were anxiously scrutinized to see if a safe access could be found leading into the land of mystery.

The trade with the west coast was becoming the object of keen competition. England had for years had her full share, and was grasping for more; France was straining every nerve, by purchase and otherwise, as of old, to establish herself commercially there; while the United States were sending their adventurous traders to pick up what the change in Africa would develop. Something like an earnest cordial determination was evinced to abolish the slave-trade, and substitute for it the pursuits of true and beneficial commerce.