In a letter announcing the arrival of the vessel, and her reception by the authorities, the Navy Department was informed that an English steamer had arrived, having recently captured a slaver, the barque Navarre, which had sailed from Rio de Janeiro to St. Catharine’s, where she had fitted up for a slave cargo, and received a Brazilian captain and crew. When boarded by the English steamer, the slaver had American colors flying; and on being told by the commander that her papers were forged, and yet that he could not search the vessel, but must send her to an American cruiser, the captain then ordered the American colors to be hauled down, and the Brazilian to be hoisted, declaring that she was Brazilian property, sent the Brazilian captain and crew on deck, and gave up the vessel.
The commander of the Perry also informed the Navy Department that, soon after his arrival at Loanda, he had received from various sources information of the abuse of the American flag in connection with the slave-trade; and inclosed copies of letters and papers addressed to him by the British commissioner, and the commander of an English cruiser, which gave authentic information on the subject.
He suggested that as the legitimate commerce of the United States exceeded that of Great Britain and France, on the coast south of the equator, and the American flag had been used to cover the most extensive slave-trade, it would seem that the presence of one or two men-of-war, and the appointment of a consul, or some public functionary at that place, were desirable.
He noticed that the depôt of stores at Porto Praya was so far removed, that a vessel could barely reach the southern point of the slave-stations before she was compelled, for want of provisions, to return and replenish. A consul or storekeeper there might, as is the case with the English or French, supply that division of the squadron, and thus a force might constantly be kept on that side of the equator, where, until the arrival of the Perry, there had been no American man-of-war for a period of two years.
It had been intimated to him, as he further stated, by Americans, that if the U. S. government were aware of the atrocities committed under its flag, it might be induced to take some measures for preventing the sale of American vessels on the African coast, as in nearly every instance the vessel had been sold for the purpose of engaging in the slave-trade. But if that should be regarded as too great a check upon the commercial interests of the United States, such sale, if made on that coast, might be duly notified to the proposed consul or agent, that the vessel should be known as having changed her nationality.
All information showing the number of American vessels and American citizens engaged in the slave-trade being regarded as desirable, interviews on the subject were held not only with the Americans engaged in mercantile pursuits, but with others, from whom reliable information could be derived. A list of American vessels, which had been on the coast during the preceding year, was procured. Many of these vessels came from Rio and adjoining ports, with two sets of papers. A sea-letter had been granted by the consul in good faith, according to law, on the sale of a vessel in a foreign port; the cargo corresponded with the manifest; the consular certificate, crew list, port clearance, and all papers were in form. Several of these vessels, after discharging their cargoes, changed their flag; the American captain and crew, with flag and papers, leaving the vessel, and she instantly becoming invested with Spanish, Portuguese, or Brazilian nationality.[5]
By this arrangement, as the United States never has consented, and never ought to consent, even on the African coast, to grant to Great Britain, or any other power, the right of search, a slaver, when falling in with an American cruiser, would be prepared to elude search and capture by the display of a foreign ensign and papers, even had she slaves on board. And on the other hand, she might the same day fall in with a British cruiser, and by displaying her flag, and presenting the register or sea-letter, vindicate her American nationality. This illustrates the importance of men-of-war, belonging to each nation, cruising in company for the detection of slavers.
Great Britain being in treaty with Spain, Portugal, Brazil, Sardinia and other powers, the proposed mode of co-operation would lead to the detection of slavers under almost any nationality except that of France, which government has an efficient squadron of steamers and sailing vessels on the coast, fully prepared to vindicate her own flag.[6]
In reference to vessels ostensibly American, which had been engaged in the slave-trade, a British officer, on the 21st of March, 1850, in a letter inclosing a list of American vessels which had been boarded by the cruiser under his command, stated that all these vessels had afterwards taken slaves from the coast; and with the exception of the “Lucy Ann,”[7] captured with five hundred slaves on board by a British steamer, had escaped. The registers, or sea-letters, of these vessels appeared to be genuine; and he being unable to detect any inaccuracies in their papers, his duty to the American flag had ceased. The vessels in his list had been boarded by himself; but the senior officer of the division was referred to, “who could give a list of many more, all of which would have been good prizes to an officer having the right of search;” for he was well assured that they went over to that coast, fully fitted and equipped for the slave-trade.
He expressed a regret that the pleasure of making acquaintance with the commander of the Perry had only fallen to his lot at a moment when the term of his service on the western coast of Africa had expired; but was satisfied that not only on the part of the senior officer commanding the southern division, but also of his brother officers still remaining in service on the coast, the most cordial co-operation would be afforded in the suppression of the slave-trade.