This magnanimity was not rare and it even went so far as to restore the whole of the territory to the people subdued.[10] But let us not suppose that this humanity toward a conquered people sprang from any pity inspired by their forlorn condition. It was due merely to the interest of the conquerors themselves. The conquered lands must still be cultivated and the depleted population restored. For this reason the conquered had generally not only life and freedom left them but also the means of livelihood, i.e. some portion of their land. This portion they held subject to no restrictions or services save those levied upon quiritarian property. It was private property to the full legal extent of the expression, thus being in the unlimited disposition of the individual.[11] These people formed the nucleus of the plebeians, the freemen who were members of the Roman state[12] without actually having any political rights.
The Ager Publicus was the property of the state and as such could be alienated only by the state.[13] This alienation could be accomplished in two ways:
(a). By public sale;
(b). By gratuitous distribution.
(a). The public sale was merely an auction to the highest bidder and in the later days of the monarchy and early part of the republic, rich plebeians must have become possessed of large tracts of land in this way; the privilege of acquiring property in land having been extended to them some time before the Servian reform.[14]
(b). The gratuitous distribution of land was accomplished by means of Agrarian Laws or royal grant and had for its object the establishment of colonies for purposes of defence, the rewarding of veterans or meritorious soldiers,[15] or in later times, the providing for impoverished plebeians.
But even in the earliest times a portion of the domain lands was excluded from sale or private appropriation,[16] in order to serve as a resource for the needs of the state.
This was the general usage of ancient republics and this maxim of reserved lands was recommended[17] by Aristotle as the first principle of political economy.
Such reserved ager publicus was leased either in periods of five years (quinquennial leaseholds) or perpetually, i.e. , by emphyteutic lease or copyhold. From these lands[18] the treasury received an income of from one-tenth to one-fifth of the annual crops.
Besides these legal methods mentioned there was another very common one which was seemingly never established by any law and therefore existed merely by title of tolerance. I speak of the indefinite possessio which was nothing but an occupation on the part of the patricians[19] of the land belonging to the state and was in nature quite similar to the so-called "squatting" commonly practiced in some of our western states and territories. The title to the enjoyment of the public lands was at first clearly vested in the patricians nor was this right extended to the plebeians until after they had been admitted to full citizenship. With regard to the state the possessor[20] was merely a tenant at will and could be removed whenever desired; but as regarded other persons he was like the owner of the soil and could alienate the land which he occupied either for a term of years, or forever, as if he were the real proprietor.[21] The public land thus occupied was looked to as a resource upon the admission of new citizens. They customarily received a small freehold according to the general notion of antiquity that a burgess must be a landowner. This land could only be found by a divison of that which belonged to the public, and a consequent ejectment of the tenants at will. In the Greek states every large accession to the number of citizens was followed by a call for a division of the public lands and, as this division involved the sacrifice of many existing interests, it was regarded with aversion by the old burgesses as an act of revolution.
A great part of the wealth of the Romans consisted in domains of this kind, and the question will occur to the thoughtful mind how the government was able to keep the most distinguished part of her citizens in a legal position so uncertain and alarming. English law is very different from the Roman in this respect and would decide in favor of the tenant and against the state. It is fairly possible that this uncertainty of tenure tended to render the government more stable and less liable to sudden revolutionary movements, thus having the same effect upon the Roman government which funded debts have upon the nations of to-day.
- [Footnote 1: Long, Decline of the Roman Rep., I, ch. 11.]
- [Footnote 2: Muirhead, Roman Law, 92.]
- [Footnote 3: Ortolan, Histoire de la legislation Romaine, p. 21.]
- [Footnote 4: Mommsen, I, 131; Arnold, I, 157.]
- [Footnote 5: Dionysius, IV, 11, Livy.]
- [Footnote 6: Ihne, I, 175.]
- [Footnote 7: Ihne, I, 175.]
- [Footnote 8: Livy, Bk. I, c. 38, with note by Drachenborch; Livy, Bk. VII, c. 31.]
- [Footnote 9: Siculus Flaccus, De Conditione Agrorum, 2, 3: "Ut vero Romani omnium gentium potiti sunt, agros alios ex hoste captos in victorem populum partiti sunt, alios verro agros vendiderunt, ut Sabinorum ager qui dicitur quaestorius.">[
- [Footnote 10: Cicero, in Verrem, II, Bk. 3, § 6.]
- [Footnote 11: Giraud, Droit de propriété chez les romains, 160.]
- [Footnote 12: Ihne, I, 175.]
- [Footnote 13: Muirhead, 92; Giraud, 165.]
- [Footnote 14: Higin., De Limit. Const. apud Goes. Rei Agr. Script., pp. 159-160.]
- [Footnote 15: Giraud, 164.]
- [Footnote 16: Dionysius, II, 7.]
- [Footnote [17]: Aristotle, Polit.,
Ζ. Κεφ. θ. 7:
Αναγκαιον
τοινυν εις
δυο μερη
διηρησθαι
την χωραν και
την μεν ειναι
κοινην, την
δε των
ιδιωτων.
(Aristotle, Polit., Z. Keph. th. 7: Anagkaion toinun eis duo merae diaeraesthai taen choran kai ton men einai koinaen, taen de ton idioton.)] - [Footnote 18: Giraud, 163.]
- [Footnote 19: Festus, p. 209, Lindemann; Cicero, ad Att. II, 15; Philipp. V, 7; De Leg. Agr. I, 2, III, 3; De Off. II, 22; Livy, II, 61, IV, 51, 53, VI, 4, 15; Suet. Julius Cæsar, 38; Octavius, 13, 32; Cæsar, De Bell. Civ., I, 17; Orosius, V, 18.]
- [Footnote 20: Aggenus Urbicus, p. 69, ed. Goes.]
- [Footnote 21: Giraud, 185-187; Mommsen, I, 110; Ortolan, 227; Hunter, Roman Law, 367.]