Y Gododin: A Poem of the Battle of Cattraeth

by Aneirin

The whole course of the Catrail, which may be traced from the vicinity of Galashiels to Peel-fell, is upwards of forty five miles. The most entire parts of it show that it was originally a broad and deep fosse; having on each side a rampart, which was formed of the natural soil, that was thrown from the ditch, intermixed with some stones. Its dimensions vary in different places, which may be owing to its remains being more or less perfect. In those parts where it is pretty entire, the fosse is twenty seven, twenty six, and twenty five feet broad. But in those places where the rampart has been most demolished the fosse only measures twenty two and a half feet, twenty and eighteen, and in one place only sixteen feet wide. As the ramparts sloped on the inside, it is obvious that in proportion as they were demolished, the width of the fosse within would be diminished. In some of the most entire parts the ramparts are from six to seven, and even nine or ten feet high, and from eight to ten and twelve feet thick. They are, no doubt, less now than they were originally, owing to the effects of time and tillage. [5a]

Such is the Catrail, and were it identical with Cattraeth, we should naturally expect to meet with some allusions to a work of that description in the body of the Poem. Nor are we herein disappointed, for the expressions “ffosawd,” [5b] “clawdd,” [5c] “ffin,” [5d] “cladd clodvawr,” [5e] “goglawdd,” [5f] “clawdd gwernin,” [5g] and “gorffin Gododin,” [5h] are undoubtedly such allusions, though we readily admit that some of them may, and probably do, refer to the ordinary circular forts of the Britons, of whom there are several along the line. It may be added here that Taliesin in his description of the battle of Gwenystrad, where the men of Cattraeth fought under Urien, speaks of a “govwr” or an intrenchment, that was “assailed by the laborious toil of warriors.”

Having thus satisfied ourselves as to the nature and locality of Cattraeth; the general subject of the Poem becomes apparent. It was a battle fought at the barrier in question between the Cymry and the Saxons, the most extended in its design and operations on the part of the former, as it proved to them the most disastrous in its results, of all that had hitherto taken place between the two people in that part of the island.

The details of this bloody encounter, as we gather them from the Poem, were as follow: At the call of Mynyddawg, lord of Eiddin, whose dominions lay peculiarly exposed, both by sea and land, to the attack of the enemy, the native chieftains of Prydyn, aided by many of their relatives and friends from Gwynedd and Cernyw, entered into a mutual alliance in behalf of their common country. [6a] In one place the daughter of Eudav [6b] is joined with Mynyddawg, as one upon whose errand the expedition was undertaken, but whether she was his wife, or ruled over a territory adjacent to, or equally threatened with his own, does not appear. The troops under their respective leaders arrived at Eiddin, where they were sumptuously entertained by Mynyddawg, [6c] and where they established their head quarters. The generals named in the Poem amount in number to about ninety, but this was not the third part of the whole, which consisted of “three hundred and sixty three chieftains wearing the golden torques.” [6d] The aggregate number of men that followed these illustrious leaders is not told, but if an average may be formed from what we know respecting a few cases, it will appear to have been immense. Mynyddawg’s retinue consisted of “three hundred;” [6e] there were “five battalions of five hundred men each,” “three levies of three hundred each;” “three bold knights” had each “three hundred of equal quality;” [6f] thus averaging about four hundred for each commander, which, multiplied by three hundred and sixty three, would exhibit an overwhelming army of a hundred and forty five thousand, and two hundred men! Yet the Poet describes the numerical advantages possessed by the enemy as greatly superior.

These forces, being all placed on the western side of the dyke, would approach the land of their enemies as they marched to the field of battle, hence the reason why Aneurin uses the expressions “Gwyr a aeth Gattraeth,” and “Gwyr a aeth Gododin,” as synonymous.

The enemies, as before observed, were the Saxons, aided on this occasion by many of the Lloegrians, namely, such of the natives as had submitted to their sway in the provinces they had already conquered. They concentrated their forces in Gododin, and marched westward in the direction of the great fence, where the Britons were awaiting them. Aneurin has not thought fit to record the names of any of their generals, with the single exception of Dyvnwal Vrych, [7a] who, to entitle him to that distinction, must have figured prominently on the field of battle.

The engagement commenced on a Tuesday, and continued for a whole week, the last four days being the most bloody. [7b] For some time both parties fought gallantly, and with almost equal success; fortune perhaps upon the whole appearing to favour the Cymry, who not only slew a vast number of their adversaries, but partially succeeded in recovering their lost dominions. [7c] At this critical juncture a dwarfish herald arrived at the fence, proposing on the part of the Saxons a truce or compact, which, however, was indignantly rejected by the natives, and the action renewed. [7d] The scales now rapidly turned. In one part of the field such a terrible carnage ensued, that there was but one man left to scare away the birds of prey, which hovered over the carcases of the slain. [7e] In another, where our Bard was stationed, a portion of the allied army, owing to the absence of its general, became panic stricken. [7f] Aneurin was taken prisoner, hurried off to a cave or dungeon, and loaded with chains. [7g] At length a conference was submitted to, which was held at a place called Llanveithin, at which Aneurin, who had been forcibly liberated by one of the sons of Llywarch Hen, insisted upon the restoration of part of Gododin, or the alternative of continuing the fight. The Saxon herald met the proposal by killing the British Bard Owain, who was of course unarmed. [7h] Such a violation of privilege excited then the whole energies of the Cymry, who rose as one man, and gave the entire scene a more bloody character than it had yet presented.

Victory, however, at length proclaimed in favour of the usurpers, and so decisively, that out of the three hundred and sixty three chieftains that went to the field of Cattraeth, three only returned alive, Cynon, and Cadreith, and Cadlew of Cadnant, besides Aneurin himself. [7i] The number of common soldiers that fell must be conjectured.

We have said that the battle commenced on a Tuesday; it would appear from two passages, namely, where the meeting of reapers in the hall of Eiddin, [7j] and the employment of Gwynwydd in protecting the corn on the highlands, [8a] are spoken of, that the time of year in which it occurred was the harvest.

It is not, however, so easy to determine the exact year when all this happened. Neither Arthur nor Urien are mentioned as being present, and though the stanzas containing their names may have been lost, it must be admitted that in the case of such distinguished warriors reason will not warrant the supposition: the fair inference would be that they were dead at the time. This view is, moreover, supported by readings of the Gododin, where certain heroes are compared to the said chiefs respectively, “of Arthur,” “un Urien,” which would hardly have been done had these latter been alive. The death of Arthur is placed in the year 542; Owain, who died at Cattraeth, slew Ida, A.D. 560, and Urien is said to have been assassinated about 567; the battle under consideration must have happened subsequently, probably about the year usually assigned it, viz., 570. This was in the reign of Rhun, a descendant in the 4th degree of Cunedda Wledig, King of Gododin!