Over. Blunt, let you and I draw up a Form of the Anathema. I would ask the Vicar, but that he says ’tis Antichristian, to curse the Wicked. First then, Cursed be he who offers any Bribe or Gratification to any Freeholder or Burgher to obtain his Vote: Cursed be he who is an Instrument to corrupt any who has a Right to give his Vote for any Candidate to represent his County or Borough: Cursed be he, who having a Right to vote, shall be biass’d in his Voting by any private Interest, Views, or Hopes: Cursed be he who makes any unjust Returns of Members; and may such Enemies of their Country be cursed in themselves, their Wives and Posterity, and in their Goods and Chattels; may they themselves become the Butt of public Scorn, Hatred and Contempt, whilst living, and their Widows and Daughters become common Prostitutes for Bread; and may their Sons experience that Slavery, which they would have brought upon their Country; may their Herds and Flocks die with the Murrain and Rot; may their Lands become barren, and may their Memory for ever stink in the Nostrils of all honest Men and true Britons. Let all here say, Amen.
Broad. See what it is to be a Foxhunter; no other’s Lungs would have held out in so long a Chase of useful Curses; ha, ha!
Sir John. Why indeed, Mr. Broadbottom, if Curses would cure the great Evil of Corruption, they might be truly called useful. But I am afraid the World is become too cursed to be frighten’d by Curses from the Commission of Evil. Therefore I would have them restrain’d by some more coercive Means. And as the Repeal of the Septennial Act, and effectual Place and Pensions Bills, seem to bid fairest of any Means I can think of, for removing the Gangreen which preys upon the Vitals of our Constitution; I should be glad to see the P—— this very Session take them seriously into Consideration. I hope they will, for the good of Posterity and their own Honour. And let me add, Mr. Broadbottom, that I hope it for yours, and your new Ingrafted Brethren’s Sake, who must rise or sink with the Publick, as these Points are dropt or vigorously pushed and obtain’d. What is it to the People who is in or out of Place, if they receive no Benefit by the Change? On the Contrary, a pretended Coalition leaves them in a worse Condition than they were before, as it deprives them of their present Leaders, and a colourable Pretence for Complaint. For won’t Courtiers be apt to call that a wanton Complaint, which has not the Sanction of the old Chiefs of the People?
Broad. Sir John, as all who hear you, improve by your Conversation; all who converse with you, ought to pay a Deference to your Opinions, which are generally well founded. But tho’ I should admit that the Points you contend for, would be of public Utility; yet I believe you will admit likewise, that there may be Seasons wherein it would not be proper to press these Matters with too great Warmth. It would be ill-timing the Embellishment or Repair of a House, when the Chimney was on Fire. The World at Home and Abroad is unsettled and perplexed. We have Quarrels and Parties——
Sir John. We have so, and Taxes, Poverty, and Corruption. And we have likewise open, and who are more dangerous, secret Enemies; at least, we have lukewarm Friends.——This is no more than what I dreaded, when I first heard how few of the reputed Friends of the People were invited to C—t. When I saw all the great Offices of Trust continued in the old Standards, I dreaded the Consequence of taking a few of the Leaders of the People into the subordinate Posts.——Mr. Broadbottom, I am sorry to tell you, that I dreaded you would have learnt the Court Catechise, when I heard you accepted of a Place before obtaining such Points as the People contend for, and are of absolute Necessity. Why should it be unseasonable to restore us to triennial Parliaments, and to secure Liberty by effectual Place and Pension Bills? What Ferment or Combustion is here at Home, that should prevent or deter the Friends of our Constitution from seeking its immediate Repair, where it has been weakened by either Time or Art? What have the Broils of Germany to do with the British Constitution?
The World, you say, is unsettled and perplexed abroad, and we have Quarrels and Parties at Home. Granted; and who are accountable for the Perplexities on the Continent and the Parties here at Home? Not the People, Mr. Broadbottom, whose Contentment you would postpone to a more seasonable Opportunity. I should be glad to know the ministerial Seasons for doing public Justice. We have had a long Interval of Peace since the passing the Septennial Law, yet our Ministers never thought it seasonable to suffer it to be repealed. The Ministers, Sir, I mean the B——h Ministers, and not the B——h Nation, have been principally and primarily Authors of the Broils on the Continent; and our Fewds at Home are no less owing to them.
Smooth. How, Sir John, will you place the Ambition of France, the Perfidy of P——a, and the Inaction of Holland, to the Account of our Ministers?
Sir John. I will, and with the strictest Justice.——France had not dared to attempt gratifying her Ambition, nor P—— to support France, or Holland to look on, if a Foreign Interest did not biass B——h Ministers from the true Interest of their Country. To sum up all in one Word, H—— is accountable for all the Perplexities on the Continent, and all our Fewds at Home.——But what Fewds or Quarrels can be apprehended after so hopeful a Coalition as the present? When shall Britons expect Relief, unless when the best Men of all Parties, according to one of our Patriot Writers, have the Power and Direction of public Affairs?
Broad. We are only accountable for our own Conduct; and as we are but a few—
Sir John. I dread you may be biassed by the Majority. Why should you agree to come into the Support of a tottering M——y before you had secured such a Share of Power as would enable you to change Measures obnoxious and injurious to the People? Why would you come in without securing a Moiety at least, of the great Offices of Trust, such as first C—— of the T——y, S——y of S——, and P——t of the C——t, &c. &c.