Company Commanders went up to reconnoitre the support positions which the Battalion was to occupy the next day, and working parties were sent out along the cross-country tracks, which had been made to ease the traffic along the roads. These parties were occupied all day in the pleasant task of filling up the shell holes which the Bosche had made overnight.
The battle surplus to be left behind when an Infantry Battalion took part in an attack had by this time been clearly defined by General Headquarters, and consequently a large party of “non-starters” joined the Divisional Reinforcement Camp before the Battalion left for the trenches on the 3rd of June. These included, in addition to two of the regular Company Commanders, representatives of every platoon and specialist section in the Battalion-picked N.C.O.’s and men who would form a worthy nucleus on which to build a new Battalion in the event of heavy casualties being suffered. The Divisional Reinforcement Camp was commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Warrender, who had left the Civil Service Rifles the previous November to command the 47th Divisional School at Poperinghe.
CHAPTER XV
MESSINES—7TH JUNE, 1917
The Regimental Diary gives a detailed description of the career of the Civil Service Rifles from the time of leaving Dominion Lines on the night of the 3rd of June to the return from the trenches after the battle:—
“Just before we started for the trenches at 10.0 p.m., the Bosche dropped a few big shells on the track near the segregated area, so it was felt that as we had to pass this point the war had started in earnest. Fortunately the whole Battalion passed this area without mishap, and the journey to the trenches was very quiet until we approached Café Belge, when we received a message that the Bosche was shelling that spot freely with gas shells. The information proved to be true, and the Battalion had its first experience of a real gas shell bombardment—happily without any casualties. We reached the support positions—trenches in the vicinity of Swan Château and Château Segard—without any further adventure, and after relieving the Poplar and Stepney Rifles, spent a quiet night in very crowded quarters.
“The Battalion spent three days in these trenches, and on the whole they were very pleasant. The weather was good, and there were practically no working parties, so the men got plenty of time for rest. The time was spent in such final preparation for the attack as issuing bombs, rifle grenades, ground flares, picks, shovels and chewing gum (one stick between two) and rations for ‘the day.’ The Company Commanders reconnoitred the assembly positions on the morning of the 6th, and by that afternoon everything was ready for the move up to the assembly trenches. The whole Battalion was in excellent spirit and every one was full of confidence. The men had taken a very keen interest in the orders and every man knew the part he had to play.
“We had a quiet move to the assembly trenches at night, and although the tracks and back areas were receiving their usual nightly ration of shells, there were no casualties.
“It was now known that the attack would be delivered at dawn, and the few hours before zero were spent in comparative peace. The trenches were those occupied by the Civil Service Rifles on their last visit to the front line. ‘A’ Company was in the old Lock House, near the Spoil Bank by the side of the Canal. The remaining Companies were on their right in West Terrace and Grenade Trench, in the order in which they were to attack. ‘D’ was on the right, ‘B’ next, ‘C’ next, and for the attack ‘A’ Company came out of the Lock House and formed the left flank.
“Zero for the great 2nd Army attack was at 3.10 a.m. on the 7th of June, but our Battalion took no part in the first phase. An hour before zero, all Company Commanders were to report to Battalion Headquarters to be on the spot if anything went wrong with the first phase. Battalion Headquarters was in a smelly, wet dug-out in West Terrace. It had walls of brick and some attempt at a concrete roof. The party assembled there consisted of the Commanding Officer, Lieutenant-Colonel H. Marshall (Hampshire Regiment), the Adjutant, Captain W. E. Ind, M.C., and the four Company Commanders—‘A’ Company, Captain A. Bowers Taylor (Manchester Regiment, attached); ‘B’ Company, Captain G. C. Grimsdale; ‘C’ Company, Second-Lieutenant P. Davenport; and ‘D’ Company, Second-Lieutenant G. Hasleham (Manchester Regiment, attached). The Signals Officer, Second-Lieutenant R. W. Illing and the Bombing Officer, Second-Lieutenant O. E. Burden, also hovered about, and there was the usual ‘chorus’ generally found hanging round Battalion Headquarters—servants, police, pioneers, signallers and runners. Wallis, the ‘head waiter,’ moved about as unconcerned as ever, with sandwiches and whisky and soda for the guests. The gathering reminded one of Bairnsfather’s sketch, ‘An hour before going into trenches.’ Ind tried hard to keep the conversation going; Grimsdale, who occupied one of the few seats, appeared somewhat subdued, though he had a few knotty problems to put to the assembly. Hasleham, who squatted tailor fashion on the floor, went to sleep, while Bowers Taylor and Davenport spent the time trying to follow his example—without much success.
“At 3.10 a.m. precisely, the floor, walls and ceiling began to rock furiously, and we realised that the Australian tunnellers in Marshall Walk had not boasted idly when they told us last November that their mine under Hill 60 would one day stagger humanity. A moment later, another big mine went up at St. Eloi, and at the same time the most wonderful bombardment there has ever been known was let loose. Big guns, howitzers and field guns seemed to be firing from everywhere behind us, and one could not help feeling overawed by the magnificence of our artillery. The machine guns joined in the fun, and the whole thing inspired every one with great confidence. No human beings could possibly withstand such a bombardment. It was the noise of the bombardment, so often described as drumfire, which was mistaken afar off for the noise of the mines, and imaginative journalists with a keen sense of hearing afterwards wrote tales of how they had heard the mines in London. The mines actually made comparatively little noise.
“We had three hours to wait before our time came to jump off, so we tried to see what was going on in front, where the 7th and 8th Battalions were attacking the White Château and neighbouring trenches. Little could be seen, however, beyond a big cloud of dust and here and there a tank toiling over the shell holes. The Bosche, apparently, had no guns to spare for us, as he left us entirely alone, and at 5.15 a.m. we moved up to our jumping off trenches undisturbed.
“The Adjutant, who for many weeks had worked on this scheme harder than the producer of plays ever worked on a great masterpiece, came up to see us off, and as the situation was so quiet we were able to form up in waves outside our jumping-off trenches. Our new padré, too, came along to wish the ‘dear lads’ the best of luck, and to distribute a large quantity of cigarettes. A staunch friend to the troops at all times, the Rev. Ernest Beattie was surely the most cheery padré a Battalion could have had. It did one good to see his genial smile whenever he came round the line.
“The first wave consisted of one platoon of each Company, ‘A’ on the left under Sergeant Steele, then ‘C’ (Second-Lieutenant Stoneman), ‘B’ (Sergeant G. T. Bachell), and ‘D’ (Second-Lieutenant G. T. Mellett). An additional platoon of ‘B’ under Second-Lieutenant Temple was attached to this wave which, under the command of the Officer Commanding ‘C’ Company, moved off at 6.25 a.m. The Battalion scouts, who had previously gone forward to reconnoitre, had just returned and reported that all had gone well with the Post Office Rifles, who were holding all their objectives, and that the stream beyond, which we had to cross, was practically dry and offered no obstacle.
“The first wave had a good start, and in a line of sections in single file went unhindered through the three objectives held by the Post Office Rifles and across the aforesaid stream in the White Château grounds, until it opened out to two lines in extended order and halted under the barrage in a hollow in front of the first objective, Oak Crescent, a trench just south of the White Château stables. The first wave of the 6th Battalion, who were attacking the stables on our left, moved off at the same time. While waiting for the barrage to lift, we suffered a few casualties.
“The scene in the hollow while waiting for the barrage to lift was a truly remarkable one. The inevitable mixing up of waves had occurred, and the 2nd, 3rd and 4th waves, who were following the first at five minute intervals, here became merged into one mass, and the scene looked like the field for a big cross-country race. The mix-up had occurred owing to the men crossing the rough ground much more quickly than had been expected. In the background a tank was slowly making its way across the line of our advance to assist the 6th Battalion at the stables if necessary. A small crowd gathered round it and watched it with interest. What was most extraordinary was the very slight enemy fire, and men were able to sort themselves out more or less with ease.
“When the barrage lifted, the first wave went forward to assault Oak Crescent, but the difficulty was not so much to capture it as to recognise it, for our guns had done their work so well that it was hard to find the place where the trench had been—and there was no trace of a Bosche either alive or dead. The second wave, consisting of one platoon of ‘C’ Company under Sergeant Glass, and one platoon of ‘D’ Company with Company Headquarters, arrived to ‘mop up’ the trench, but as they could not find any trench to mop up, they devoted their time to trying to dig one instead. About this time the Officer Commanding ‘A’ Company, Captain A. Bowers Taylor, was killed, and the Officer Commanding ‘D’ Company, Second-Lieutenant Hasleham, was wounded, and in addition the Battalion suffered its most serious loss since leaving England. Lieutenant Ind, who, in his eagerness to see that everything went well, had followed the Battalion up to the hollow ground before the first objective, was hit in the head by a piece of shell, and, although he was taken down immediately, he was so badly wounded that he died the same evening without recovering consciousness in No. 10 Casualty Clearing Station, near Poperinghe. So the Civil Service Rifles lost the finest Territorial soldier who ever served with them. Fortunately the news did not get round for some time, but it had a somewhat depressing effect when it became known, for needless to say, Lieutenant Ind was loved by every officer, N.C.O. and man in the Battalion. No man could have worked harder for the welfare of a Battalion than he did, nor could anyone be more fearless and unselfish than he was. He had been with the 1st Civil Service Rifles continuously since the Foreign Service Battalion was formed, and throughout he had devoted himself wholeheartedly to the Regiment, whose members he was ever ready to help in any way he possibly could. He was a magnificent soldier, a thorough gentleman, and an ideal friend, and his loss has left a gap in the Battalion which can never be adequately filled. He had been looked upon for so long as so essential a part of the Battalion that his many friends found it difficult to realise that he had been killed.
Photo by The Chesterfield Studios Co., Chesterfield.
CAPTAIN W. E. IND, M.C.
Adjutant 1st Batt., 15th March, 1916, till his death in Action, 7th June, 1917.
To face page 142.
“By a strange coincidence, Lieutenant-Colonel H. H. Kemble, M.C., the Commanding Officer of the 23rd London Regiment (who, as Captain Kemble, had been Ind’s Company Commander in the Civil Service Rifles during their first six months in France) was mortally wounded almost at the same time as his old friend, and died the same night in the same ward. These two old comrades were buried side by side in the Military Cemetery just south of Poperinghe between the railway and the road to Westoutre.
“Lieutenant-Colonel Kemble’s death was lamented by all who knew him in the Civil Service Rifles, where he was so well known and respected as a very gallant Company Commander.
“But although, as has been stated, the loss of Lieutenant Ind had a somewhat depressing effect, it did not interfere with the attack, and the third wave, consisting of one platoon of ‘A’ Company (Second-Lieutenant G. W. Ackworth), one of ‘C’ Company (Second-Lieutenant T. Woods), one of ‘B’ (Second-Lieutenant Samuel) and one of ‘D’ (Second-Lieutenant Margrett), under the Officer Commanding ‘B’ Company, moved through the line of what was once Oak Crescent, and took their objective, Oblong Trench, with little opposition.
“The fourth wave, also consisting of a platoon from each Company (‘A,’ Second-Lieutenant L. C. Morris, ‘B,’ Second-Lieutenant C. Stevenson, ‘C,’ Second-Lieutenant C. V. Marchant, and ‘D,’ Second-Lieutenant Moran), now moved through Oak Crescent and amalgamated with the first wave. The two together then moved forward, with an additional platoon of ‘A’ Company (Second-Lieutenant A. Wilson) on the left, and captured the final objective, Oblong Reserve, where a few tired and frightened Germans readily gave themselves up.
“About 200 yards beyond the final objective was a ruined building, known as Delbske Farm, surrounded by a trench. The instructions were that a patrol was to be pushed out to the farm, which, if not held strongly, was to be rushed and captured. A kind of scramble was accordingly made for the farm by a party consisting of ‘C’ Company Headquarters, and Nos. 9 and 11 Platoons, with Sergeant Steele’s platoon of ‘A’ Company and any odd men of other Companies who happened to be handy. The farm and trench were taken with little opposition, and about thirty prisoners came pouring out of the building anxious to be shown the way ‘home.’
“In every case throughout the day the objective had been captured with ease. There were very few Bosches to be found, and these immediately gave themselves up without a struggle when we entered their trenches. Indeed, the only infantry action took place after the trench at Delbske Farm had been taken, when patrols, going out to right and left, were subject to rifle fire from Bosche patrols, who later in the morning seemed to have recovered from their fright sufficiently to inflict a few casualties on the occupants of the trench outside the farm. It was here that Sergeant Steele and Corporal Freeman, of ‘A’ Company, after doing sterling work on patrol, were shot through the head and killed instantly.
“Late in the afternoon the Bosche began shelling heavily, but although our aeroplanes twice reported him to be massing for counter-attack, he was effectively dispersed by our artillery and did not even leave his trenches.
“The night was fairly quiet except for some desultory shelling; but the troops were all very tired after their efforts of the past 24 hours, and it came as a very pleasant surprise when early on the morning of the 8th, the 2nd Leinsters arrived and relieved us. The four Companies moved back to Ecluse Trench—a support trench running south from the canal about half a mile behind our original assembly positions. It was quite a comfortable place and the weather was fine and warm. The tired troops were therefore able to enjoy a solid day’s sleep, undisturbed by shells. They were all very proud of their victory, and when they were not sleeping they were all talking at once, comparing souvenirs and recounting their various experiences.”
So ended the first phase of the capture of the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge. It had been a wonderful demonstration of the power of artillery supported by a thorough aeroplane reconnaissance. From the point of view of the infantry it had been a “walk over,” at least so far as the Civil Service Rifles were concerned. Tales were told of hand-to-hand struggles in the vicinity of the White Château, but the German troops opposed to the Civil Service Rifles evidently knew whom they had to deal with and they wisely refrained from indulging in any fighting. The casualties, happily, were few, and the victory, considering the number of objectives and the extent of ground covered, was undoubtedly a cheap one. It was illustrated very clearly, however, how impossible it is, when advancing over a wide area of rough ground, to arrive at the distant objective in anything like the waves laid down in the training pamphlets.
Here were conditions ideal for a model attack—excellent artillery support, well-trained men, every one of whom was keen and clearly understood the scheme which had been so thoroughly rehearsed, and a very weak opposition, and yet the attack became little more than a scramble after the first objective was passed. At the same time the troops had taken and held all the objectives allotted to them, and there was a feeling of satisfaction among the members of the Civil Service Rifles that the Battalion had done all that it was asked to do in what was, so far, the greatest British victory of the war.
After two days’ rest in Ecluse Trench a return was made to the front line, and the 6th Battalion were relieved on the 10th of June in a trench known as Opal Reserve—on the left of Oblong Reserve, familiar to the Civil Service Rifles as one of their objectives on the 7th. Battalion Headquarters was in what was left of the White Château itself.
Although only two days were spent here it was a much more trying experience than the battle had been, and the casualties suffered were considerably more than the average for merely holding the line. The Bosche had now reorganised his artillery, and he was using it to some purpose on the White Château and its grounds. The first taste of the trouble was given to No. 9 platoon of “C” Company on their way to the front line. Starting out with about twenty men under Second Lieutenant Stoneman, only nine reached the front line in Opal Reserve, four having been killed, and seven wounded.