The evidence of the existence of an armed organization, pernicious in its policy and its tendencies, and looking to the disruption of society and the compelling of the adoption of political principles obnoxious to the people upon whom they were attempted to be forced, came in from all quarters. The reports differed in minor details, but had a general correspondence that was remarkable.
Some of these agents—and to whom the writer is indebted for many of the facts herein contained—stated that all strangers in the localities visited by them were looked upon with the greatest suspicion, and they soon learned that the security of their lives depended largely upon the enunciation of principles according with the Democracy; that the word democrat was the open sesame to the confidence of the leading spirits in the various communities through which they passed; that Democracy in the South meant rebellion, and that Ku Kluxism meant both, and they governed themselves accordingly.
To attain the object, and get the most comprehensive view possible of the condition of the people, these men, for the time being, were “Democrats,” and “Rebels,” and would gladly be “Ku Klux.” By adroit and skillful management they procured themselves to be initiated into the various orders of the K. K. K., and were enabled thus to discover the numbers, resources, operations, designs, and ultimate purposes of the same. The names and residences of the victims, the outrages committed by the Klan, were also obtained, until an array was presented that almost challenged belief.
The information was full, thorough, and reliable. It left no longer room for doubt. Action—vigorous and energetic action—based upon laws enacted with special reference to the evil to be met, must be had. The suffering sons and daughters of the South demanded it; the cause of human justice and human freedom demanded it; the enforcement of the rights of the recently emancipated bondmen demanded it; and in the interest of law and order everywhere throughout the land, there came a demand for the adoption of such measures as would save the people of the South from themselves, and thus verify the scriptural saying:
“And it shall come to pass, that like as I have watched over them to pluck up, and to break down, and to destroy, and to afflict, so will I watch over them to build and to plant, saith the Lord.”
It was evident that if they were left to their own devices, the people must fall into complete anarchy and ruin. Urgent as were these demands, nothing could be done hastily. The salvation of a people and the well being of a nation was in the balance, and the most profound and mature deliberation was necessary at every step.
It was wisely deemed by the Executive that a continuation of the policy adopted by him at the outset of his official career with regard to all sections of the country would apply to this, viz., the judicious enforcement of appropriate laws, enacted with special reference to the existing emergency. This was considered a measure which, while it could give no just grounds of offense to any, would afford the most available means for securing the rights of all, and attaining the desired end. There must be no halting by the wayside. The noblest and best blood of the nation had been expended for a purpose not yet accomplished. Nothing save the complete restoration of order, the harmonization of conflicting elements, and the vindication of the rights of all to their own individual opinion, and the expression of the same through the ballot-box, as their conscience might dictate, could be in any manner commensurate with this great sacrifice.
The words of a just and righteous God to a suffering people must be redeemed: “And thou shalt be secure, because there is hope; yea, thou shalt dig about thee and thou shalt take thy rest in safety; also thou shalt lie down, and none shall make thee afraid.”
On the 23d of March, 1871, President Grant sent to Congress a message, in which he touched delicately but unmistakably upon this subject, as follows:
“A condition of affairs now exists in some of the States of the Union rendering life and property insecure, and the carrying of the mails and the collection of the revenue dangerous. The proof that such a condition of affairs exists in some localities is now before the Senate. That the power to correct these evils is beyond the control of State authorities, I do not doubt. That the power of the Executive of the United States, acting within the limits of existing laws, is sufficient for present emergencies is not clear.”