[198] Combés (Mindanao, Retana's ed., cols. 73, 74) describes the bagacay as a small, slender reed, hardened in fire and sharp-pointed; it is hurled by a Moro at an enemy with unerring skill, and sometimes five are discharged in one volley. He narrates surprising instances of the efficacy of this weapon, and says that "there is none more cruel, at close range."
[199] Stanley translates this "flat-boats." Retana and Pastells (Combés's Mindanao, col. 787) derive this word from Chinese chun, "a boat," and regard the joanga (juanga) as a small junk.
[200] "The soldiers, having entered the city, gave themselves universally to violence and pillage. Don Pedro had issued a proclamation conceding that all of the enemy captured within those four days, should be slaves" (Argensola). During the sack, which Don Pedro was unable to restrain, neither children nor young girls were spared. One girl was killed because two soldiers disputed for her.—Rizal.
[201] "The prince's name was Sulamp Gariolano. This step was contrary to the advice of Queen Celicaya" (Argensola).—Rizal.
[202] Sangajy, a Malay title (Marsden).—Stanley.
[203] The Jesuit Father Luis Fernández, Gallinato, and Esquivel made negotiations with the king for this exile, and Father Colin attributes its good outcome to the cleverness of the former. What was then believed to be prudent resulted afterward as an impolitic measure, and bore very fatal consequences; for it aroused the hostility of all the Molucas, even that of their allies, and made the Spanish name as odious as was the Portuguese. The priest Hernando de los Rios, Bokemeyer, and other historians, moreover, accuse Don Pedro de Acuña of bad faith in this; but, strictly judged, we believe that they do so without foundation. Don Pedro in his passport assured the lives of the king and prince, but not their liberty. Doubtless a trifle more generosity would have made the conqueror greater, and the odium of the Spanish name less, while it would have assured Spanish domination of that archipelago. The unfortunate king never returned to his own country. Hernando de los Rios says that during Don Pedro de Acuña's life he was well treated, but that during the administration of Don Juan de Silva "I have seen him in a poor lodging where all the rain fell on him, and they were starving him to death." He is described by Argensola as of "robust proportions, and his limbs are well formed. His neck and much of his breast are bare. His flesh is of a cloudy color, rather black than gray. The features of his face are like those of an European. His eyes are large and full, and he seems to dart sparks from them. His large eyelashes, his thick bristling beard, and his mustaches add to his fierceness. He always wears his campilan, dagger, and kris, both with hilts in the form of gilded serpents' heads." This description was taken from a picture sent to Spain.—Rizal.
[204] Other disturbances occurred also, because of Don Pedro's enemies having spread the news that the expedition had been destroyed, and most of those making it killed. "This report, having come to the ears of the Indians, was so harmful that they began to mutiny, especially in the provinces of Camarines and Pintados. The friars who instructed them could already do, nothing with them, for they asked why, since the inhabitants of the Malucos were victorious, should they be subject to the Spaniards, who did not defend them from the Moros. They said that the Moros would plunder them daily with the help of Ternate, and that it would be worse henceforth" (Argensola).—Rizal.
La Concepción states (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, p. 103) that these Japanese were settled in Dilao; and that the immediate cause of their mutiny was the killing of a Japanese by a Spaniard, in a quarrel.
[205] The authors of this poisoning were then known in Manila, and according to Argensola were those envious of the governor. "But although they were known as such, so that the suspicion of the crowd makes them the authors of the poisoning we shall repress their names … for all are now dead" (Argensola).—Rizal.
Cf. La Concepción (Hist. de Philipinas, iv, pp. 105, 106); he ascribes the report of Acuña's poisoning to the physicians, who sought thus to shield their own ignorance of his disease.