[3] It is officially admitted by the United States Navy Department that it had prepared plans for a ship similar in armament to the Dreadnought in 1904, and was awaiting the approval of Congress before beginning construction. American officers had come to the same conclusions as to the inevitable tendency of battleship design as the British Admiralty.
Owing to the delay imposed by the necessity of obtaining the consent of Congress, the United States lost the advantage; in the exercise of its powers, the British Admiralty acted directly the designs of the new ships were ready.
Just as the task of rebuilding the Fleet had been initiated, a change of Government occurred, and there was reason to fear that the stupendous task of reorganising and re-creating the bases of our naval power would be delayed, if not abandoned. In Lord Fisher the nation had, fortunately, a man of iron will. Though Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, above all things desirous of arresting the rivalry in naval armaments, was Prime Minister, and Lord Tweedmouth was First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Fisher, supported by his colleagues on the Board, insisted on essentials. Delays occurred in German shipbuilding, and the Admiralty agreed that British shipbuilding could be delayed. In 1906, 1907, and 1908 only eight Dreadnoughts were begun. Subsequent events tend to show that this policy was a political mistake, though we eventually obtained more powerful ships by the delay. Germany was encouraged to believe that under a Liberal Administration she could overtake us. Between 1906 and 1908 inclusive we laid down eight large ships of the Dreadnought type; and Germany laid down nine, and began to accelerate her programme of 1909.
Then occurred a momentous change in British affairs. Lord Tweedmouth, after the famous incident of the German Emperor’s letter, retired from office (1908), and his place was taken by Mr. Reginald McKenna, who was to show that a rigid regard for economy was not incompatible with a high standard of patriotism. In association with the Sea Lords, he surveyed the naval situation. In the following March occurred the naval crisis. Germany had accelerated her construction, and our sea power was in peril. The whole Board of Admiralty determined that there was no room for compromise. Mr. McKenna, it is now no secret, found arrayed against him a large section of the Cabinet when he put forward the stupendous programme of 1909, making provision for eight Dreadnoughts, six protected cruisers, twenty destroyers, and a number of submarines. The naval crisis was accompanied by a Cabinet crisis, in spite of the fact that Sir Edward Grey, as Foreign Secretary, gave the naval authorities his full support. Unknown to the nation, the Admiralty resigned, and for a time the Navy had no superior authority. This dramatic act won the day. The Cabinet was converted; the necessity for prompt, energetic action was proved. The most in the way of compromise to which the Board would agree was a postponement in announcing the construction of four of the eight armoured ships. But from the first there was no doubt that, unless there was a sudden change in German policy, the whole octette would be built. When the programme was presented to the House of Commons, the Prime Minister and Sir Edward Grey gave to Mr. McKenna their wholehearted support; either the Government had to be driven from office, or the Liberal Party had to agree to the immense commitment represented in the Navy Estimates. The programme was agreed to.
This, however, is only half the story. Neither the Government nor the Admiralty was in a position to tell the country that, though all the ships were not to be laid down at once, they would all be laid down in regular rotation, in order that they might be ready in ample time to meet the situation which was developing. Perhaps it was well in the circumstances that this fact was not revealed. Public opinion became active. The whole patriotic sentiment of the country was roused, and the jingle was heard on a thousand platforms, “We want eight and we won’t wait.” The Admiralty, which had already determined upon its policy, remained silent and refused to hasten the construction of the ships. Quietly, but firmly, the Board resisted pressure, realising that it, and it only, was in possession of all the facts. Secrecy is the basis of peace as well as war strategy. The naval authorities were unable to defend themselves by announcing that they were on the eve of obtaining a powerful weapon which could not be ready for the ships if they were laid down at once. By waiting the Navy was to gain the most powerful gun in the world.
In order to keep pace with progress in Germany, it was necessary to lay down two of the eight ships in July, and be satisfied with the 12-inch guns (projectile of 850 lbs.) for these units. The construction of the other six vessels was postponed in order that they might receive the new 13·5-inch gun, with a projectile of about 1,400 lbs. Two of the Dreadnoughts were began at Portsmouth and Devonport Dockyards in the following November, and the contracts for the remaining four were not placed until the spring, for the simple reason that the delivery of the new guns and mountings and their equipment could not be secured for the vessels, even if their hulls were started without a moment’s delay. Thus we obtained six battleships which are still unique; in no other Navy is so powerful a gun to be found to-day as the British 13·5-inch weapon. In 1910 and in 1911 Mr. McKenna again fought for national safety, and he won the essential provision for the Fleet. He risked his all in defence of our sea power. He was probably during those years of struggle the most unpopular Minister the Liberal Party ever had. What has been the sequel of his tenacity and courage and patriotism? What has been gained owing to the bold front which Lord Fisher presented, as First Sea Lord, supported by his colleagues? Sixteen of the eighteen battleships and battle-cruisers of the Dreadnought type, the fifteen protected cruisers, and the sixty destroyers, with a group of submarines, which the Board over which Mr. McKenna presided secured, constituted the spearhead of the British Fleet when the crisis came and war had to be declared against Germany in defence of our plighted word.
With the addition of one more chapter, this story of the renaissance of British sea power is complete. In the autumn of 1911, over seven years after Lord Fisher had begun to shake the Navy into renewed life, encouraged Sir Percy Scott in his gunnery reforms, and brought to the Board the splendid intellect of Sir John Jellicoe, Mr. Winston Churchill replaced Mr. McKenna as First Lord. Thus the youngest statesman of the English-speaking world realised his ambition. Lord Fisher, under the age clause, had already been compelled to vacate his seat on the Board, retiring with a peerage, and his successor, Sir Arthur Wilson, was also on the eve of retirement. Mr. McKenna had to be freed to take over the Welsh Church Bill and to place his legal mind at the service of the country at the Home Office. He had done his work and done it well. Mr. Winston Churchill proved the ideal man to put the finishing touches to the great task which had been initiated during Lord Selborne’s period of office. Perhaps the keynote of his administration is to be found in the attention which he devoted to the organisation of the War Staff, the elements of which had been created by former Boards, and the readjustment of the pay of officers and men. No service is efficient for war in which there exists a rankling feeling of injustice. The rates of pay of officers and men were revised and increased; facilities were opened up for men of the lower deck to reach commissioned rank. About 20,000 officers and men were added to the active service of the Fleet. At the same time with the ships provided by former Boards, the organisation of the ships in Home waters was placed on a higher standard of efficiency, particular attention being devoted to the organisation of the older ships so as to keep them efficient for war. The Naval Air Service was established, and its development pressed forward with all speed. Thus the work of reform and the task of changing the front of the British Navy had been brought to completion, or virtual completion, at the moment when Germany, by a concatenation of circumstances, was forced into a position where she had to fight the greatest of sea Powers, or admit the defeat of all her ambitions.
A study of the sequence of events which immediately preceded the outbreak of hostilities is hardly less interesting than the earlier and dramatic incidents which enabled us to face the supreme crisis in our history with a measure of assured confidence. On March 17th, 1914, Mr. Winston Churchill spoke in the House of Commons on the Navy Estimates. It is common knowledge that he had just fought a stern battle in the Cabinet for adequate supplies, and it was assumed at the time, from various incidents, that he had been compelled to submit to some measure of retrenchment. He received, however, Cabinet authority to ask Parliament for the largest sum ever devoted to naval defence—£51,500,000. In the course of his speech on these Estimates he made the announcement that there would be no naval manœuvres in 1914. He stated:
“We have decided to substitute this year for the grand manœuvres—not, of course, for the numberless exercises the Fleet is always carrying out—a general mobilisation of the Third Fleet.[4] We are calling up the whole of the Royal Fleet Reserve for a period of eleven days, and those who come up for that period will be excused training next year, and will receive £1 bounty in addition to their regular pay.
“We have had a most admirable response. 10,170 men, seamen, and others, and 1,409 marines, are required to man the ships of the Third Fleet. We have already, in the few days our circular has been out, received replies from 10,334 men volunteers, and from 3,321 marines. I think that reflects great credit on the spirit of the Reserve generally, and also reflects credit upon the employers, who must have greatly facilitated this operation all over the country. I hereby extend to them the thanks of the Admiralty.