Historical Parallels, vol. 2 of 3)

by Arthur Thomas Malkin

The terms of naval architecture just used require some explanation. Carracks, argosies, and galleons, were names for the largest species of sailing vessels in use. Some idea of their size may be formed from the dimensions of a Portuguese vessel captured in 1592. Her burthen was 1600 tons, she carried 32 pieces of brass ordnance, and between 600 and 700 passengers, and was built with decks seven stories high. She is said to have been in length from the figure-head to the stern 165 feet; in breadth near 47. Carrack was a name given by the Portuguese to the vessels built for the Brazil and East-Indian trade: their capacity was chiefly in their depth. Galleasses were the largest vessels impelled by oars, and differed from galleys only in their superior size, and in the arrangement of the artillery.

A minute detail of the number and force of the Spanish fleet is given in Charnock’s History of Marine Architecture. It appears that the vessels classed as galleons mounted from 50 to 20, or even so few as 15 cannon, and the largest of them were from 1000 to 1600 tons burthen. The following summary will convey some notion of the size and equipment of the vessels in use, and show the immense superiority of the Spanish over the English force.

Tonnage.			No. of Galleons.	Smaller Vessels.	Guns.	Sailors	Soldiers.
7,739	Portuguese squadron	}	10	2	389	1,242	3,086
5,861	Biscayan		10	4	302	906	2,117
8,054	Castilian		15	2	474	1,793	2,924
8,692	Andalusian		10	1	315	776	2,365
7,192	Guypuiscoan		11	4	296	608	2,120
8,632	Italian		10	0	319	844	2,792
10,860	Medina		0	24	466	930	3,570
2,090	Mendoza[65]		0	25	204	746	1,481
———			——	——	——	———	———
59,120			66	62	2,765	7,845	20,455
								Slaves
Four Neapolitan Galleasses, mounting 50 guns each				}	200	477	744	1,200
Four Portuguese 50 ” ”					200	424	440	888
					——	——	——	——
					400	901	1,184	2,088
					2,765	7,845	20,455
					——	——	———
					3,165	8,746	21,639

The English force is less minutely given: numerically it was superior to the Spanish, for it consisted of 175 vessels, besides others classed as victuallers; but the inferiority of the several ships in size and force will appear from a comparison of their tonnage and the number of their crews. The largest of the royal navy was of 1100 tons: the collective burthen of the fleet amounted only to 29,744 tons, barely more than half that of the Spanish navy, and their crews consisted of 14,501 men, opposed to a numerical force more than double their number. The number of guns and weight of metal of the English fleet, we have not been able to obtain—in this respect the disproportion was probably even greater. The reader will observe that we have not taken into account the Dutch squadron, which did good service in blocking up in their harbours the forces collected by the Duke of Parma, but never were opposed to the Spanish fleet.

The Armada in its passage from Lisbon to the Groyne was considerably injured by stress of weather, which still further delayed it, and June and July being almost spent, and no appearance of the enemy, it began to be thought that for that year at least the Spaniards would not come. Many of the volunteers, therefore, being indifferently provided for keeping the sea, dispersed themselves into different harbours, and the queen, economical even to parsimony, countenanced this imprudence by recalling from the high admiral four of her great ships. Meanwhile the Duke of Parma had assembled in Flanders 30,000 foot and 5000 horse, and collected in his ports 340 flat-bottomed vessels, great and small, to land his men readily upon an open strand, with store of all necessaries to make good his descent, even in the face of an enemy. The plan of the campaign was this: the Duke of Medina was ordered to steer direct to Flanders, place himself under the command of the Duke of Parma, who under convoy of the Armada should disembark in Kent or Essex, as near to London or to the camp as he could. It was also meant that the Duke of Guise should first have landed in the west, under protection of the Spanish navy as it passed along, to effect a diversion in favour of the real attack; while, after the arrival of the Duke of Parma, the fleet, passing northward, was appointed to land in Yorkshire 12,000 men.

“The Spanish navy having refreshed themselves at Groyne, after twenty-eight days’ rest, set forward for England, about the 11th of July, in the greatest pompe that eye ever beheld, matchlesse in state, commaunding their passage whersoever they came, exceeding far the force of those two thousand warlike sayle of great Symeramis,[66] or the like number at commaund of the Egyptian Cleopatra, or those 1200 well prepared ships raised by Charles of Fraunce, with like full purpose of invasion, for revenge upon King Richard the Second, for dammage done by his graundsire Edward the Third, in his French conquest; but this proud navy hath more skilfull guides, and in the overweening of her strength sets forward boldly to perform her charge (though in stealing wise), as if necessity hadde constrained them to take advantage of home-bred traytors, or ambitious rebels, risen against their state, and not like souldiers, sent in cause of just hostilitie, to encounter with an honourable enemy, without due summons, or defiance unto armes, according to the law of nations.

“The 19th of July the English admirall, upon direct knowledge of the enemies approach, sends speedy summons unto all the English fleet, who still retained their former courage. The Spaniards by this time were entered the mouth of the narrow seas, whose number, state and strength being well observed by the lord admirall, and rightly considered, that it was now no time to dally or flatter in so imminent daunger, in depth of humane judgment, and discharge of duty to his prince and country, instantly addressed his letters by his brother in law, Sir Edward Hobby, unto her majesty, signifying the great difference in power betwixt the English and the Spaniard, and therefore seeing the English navall forces far inferior to the Spanish army, advised the queene to send more ayde to the sea, and to make ready the chiefe strength of her land forces: at which newes the queene forthwith commands more ships to the sea, whereupon yet in voluntary manner, the earles of Oxford, Northumberland and Cumberland, Sir Thomas Cecill, Sir Robert Cecill, Sir Walter Rawleigh, master Thomas Gerrard, master Arthur Gorge, Sir Thomas Vavasor, and many other honourable personages, were suddenly embarked, committing themselves unto the present chaunce of warre.

“Gentlemen and yeomen of sundry shires, bordering on the sea, knowing many of the English shippes to bee very weakly furnished with victuall and munition, out of their singular zeale and loyalty sent cheerefully such provision as they either could make, or was provided for their families; yea, such was the integrity of the English, as the recusants offered their service, and were desirous to take their fortune with the common souldiers.

“The 21st July the Spaniards came as high as Plimmouth, where divers English shippes lay fast in harbor, the rest gave charge upon the enemie; the Armado then daraines[67] itselfe into the fashion of the crescent moone; each side prepares themselves speedily to fight with braves and bravadoes, their shrill sounding trumpets and their ratling drums lent mutuall courage unto both batalions, and loud thundring canons send swift messengers of death: both armies strive to get advantage of the wind, but the English, beeing much more quick and yare, winne their desire, and England’s admirall in person gave the onset, and for two houres space maintained a valiant fight untill night drew on, and wanting forty of the English fleete, which as yet could not by any meanes come unto their ayde, they tackt about.