find that inactivity is not consistently ascribed to death or a related delusion.

For instance, Henrietta B. had much talk of higher powers that were controlling her, also said that it was fear which kept her quiet. Josephine G. said retrospectively that she had thought she would injure people if she moved and that if she opened her eyes she would murder the people around her. Johanna B. was afraid to talk because she fancied she was in prison. Laura A.: During her stupor was more vague, saying, "I can't move, they won't let me be," without betraying any suggestion of whom "they" might be. Finally Mary C. (Case 7) was still more indefinite, ascribing her immobility merely to fear. When one considers, however, that these five were the only ones who gave any atypical explanation of their inactivity among the thirty-seven cases, the preponderance of the death idea becomes striking.

2. Negativism. The next of the cardinal symptoms to be considered is negativism. This term, which is often loosely used, we would define as perversity of behavior which seems to express antagonism to the environment or to the wishes of those about the patient. Naturally it is only in the minor stupors that we see it in well-developed form as active opposition and cantankerousness. For example, Harriett C., who stood about until her feet became edematous, would spit out food when it was placed in her mouth but would eat if she were left alone with the food. Josephine G., in a milder state,

would turn her back on people. When more inactive once rolled out of bed and lay on the floor. At this time also she tried to keep people out of her room. Rarely, patients may have angry outbursts, as did Annie K. (Case 5) who would strike at the nurses.

Very often the failure to swallow and anomalous habits of excretion seem to be negativistic in their nature. One thinks at once of the necessity for tube-feeding, which is so common even when patients seem otherwise fairly active. Naturally this form of treatment is necessary only when the patient refuses to swallow. Quite frequently a refusal to urinate is met with so that catheterization is necessary, or a patient may never use the toilet when led to it, but will defecate or urinate so soon as he leaves it. These latter, like some other perversities, suggest reactions of a petulant, spoiled child.

By far the commonest manifestation is muscular resistiveness, often spoken of as "resistiveness." It was present in thirty-two out of thirty-seven of our cases. Usually it takes the form of a contraction of the whole system of voluntary muscles when the patient is touched or the bed approached. Often it appears only when any passive movement of the limb is attempted. All muscles of the limb then stiffen, making the member rigid. Sometimes the negativism is expressed by quite isolated symptoms, such as stiffness in the jaw muscles alone. One patient showed no opposition except by holding her urine for two days. Another kept her eyes constantly directed to the floor. The reaction of an

other showed no irregularity except for stiffness in the neck and arms and wetting herself once after she had been taken to the toilet. One displayed merely a slight stiffness in her arms. An interesting case was that of Annie G. (Case 1) who kept one leg sticking out of bed. If this were pushed in, she would protrude the other. Mary F. (Case 3) sometimes expressed her antagonism to the environment by slapping other patients. She spoke only twice in a year and a half, and each time it was when interfered with. By far the commonest cause of muscular movement in these inactive cases is resistiveness, and as a rule the inactivity is interrupted only by negativistic symptoms.

If we look for some explanation or correlation of these symptoms, we find that chance references to conduct seem to point in the same direction, namely, to the desire to be left alone. This resentment against interference again reminds us of the reactions of a spoiled child. For instance, Laura A., in manic spells during which she was still constrained and drooled, said, "I don't want to have my face washed." In the intervals she showed an intense muscular resistiveness. Mary G. used to say, "Leave me alone," and covered her head or buried it in the pillows. Maggie H. (Case 14) said in retrospect that she had wanted to be left alone. Similarly Alice R. thought she did not want to talk. Emma K. thought that she was in prison and apparently resented this. Henrietta B. combined in her behavior tendencies both to compliance and opposition.

When her arms were raised they retained the new position for a minute. Then she dropped them and said, "Stop mesmerizing me." But then she put them up again of her own accord, and when she had done this presented intense resistiveness to any movement. Later she extended her arms in front of her and said, "I am all right," in a theatrical manner, and then added, "Why don't you go away?"

There seems to be some correlation between inaccessibility and muscular resistiveness. For example, Charlotte W. (Case 12), whose condition varied a great deal, always lost the resistiveness when she became accessible, during which periods she also showed some facial expression. The resistiveness would invariably return when the inaccessibility reappeared. Caroline DeS. (Case 2) lost her resistiveness as she became more accessible, although the inactivity and apathy persisted. This tendency, which is quite common, suggests that muscular resistiveness represents a lower level of expression of opposition which patients put into words or purposeful actions when there is other evidence of some contact with the environment. Sometimes one observes both general resistiveness and specific acts. For instance, Mary G., who said, "Leave me alone," and covered her head or buried it in the pillows, accompanied her muscular resistiveness with laughter. This shows the affective nature of the apparently purposeless muscular tension. The case of Annie K. (Case 5) is more instructive. In the stage