“On the 13th Washington and Rochambeau arrived at our camp, and on the 17th went on board the Ville de Paris to concert with Count de Grasse the measures necessary to render the French fleet tributary to the success of the enterprize. On the 26th and 28th all the combined forces were united, and we marched to invest York-town, which was accomplished without the loss of a single man. The French corps commanded by Rochambeau, occupied the space between the river and a marsh which is nearly in front of us, but which is now masked by some trees and ravines, under shelter of which, without risk, we could approach within pistol-shot of the enemy’s works. The Grenadiers and Chasseurs of the advanced guard of this army was commanded by Viomenil. Next morning the American army passed the same marsh, established its left there, and placed its right below upon York river. The investment of the place was thus as close and complete as possible. The legion of Lauzun, a corps of cavalry, and a half brigade of American militia, took post at Gloucester on the other side of the river, where they could only establish themselves after dislodging Tarleton, who occupied it with 400 horse and 200 infantry.

“During the night of the 29th and 30th, the enemy dreading to be attacked by a coup-de-main in the very extensive position he had fortified, resolved to abandon his camp at Pidgeon hill, and to retain only two redoubts in front of the body of the place. The day of the 30th was employed by us in occupying the works abandoned by the enemy, which enabled us to enclose him within a narrower circle, and gave us the greatest advantages. From this moment we opened our trenches, and a noble emulation was established between our allies and us. Although we were very young soldiers and inexperienced in the operations of a siege, we had the satisfaction of meriting the praise of the French, who agreed that our zeal and intelligence made us worthy of being associated with veteran troops.

“Messrs. Duportail and de Querenet superintended the works as chiefs of Engineers. M. D’Aboville commanded the French artillery, and General Knox the American. Notwithstanding the enemy’s fire, the trenches were rapidly advanced. On the 9th, three batteries were ready to play upon the town. General Washington himself fired the first gun, and at this signal we commenced a furious cannonade, which the enemy answered with great vigour. On the 10th a red-hot shot fired from a French battery at the little English squadron stationed in the river, set fire to a ship of 44 guns and two other smaller vessels. This conflagration which commenced in the evening and continued till late at night, presented a terrible and magic spectacle. The devouring flames which blazed in tall columns up the masts, threw a lurid light upon all our batteries, and seemed to lend us their light to facilitate their destruction.—The battle only ceased when the cessation of the conflagration left us in darkness.

“On the 14th, the English possessed no other external works but two large redoubts, on the situation of one of which Lafayette yesterday received the civic wreath; the other much more to the right, precisely where the pyramid is raised, at whose base we first met. Washington resolved to take them, and all the 14th and part of the 15th was employed in cannonading them to destroy the abattis which defended the approaches, and facilitate the storm. During this cannonade Washington and Rochambeau, on foot, surrounded by the officers of the staff, remained as near as possible to the enemy’s works, to judge better of the effects of our batteries, and caused the whole army to admire their calm intrepidity. Rochambeau, to calm the impatient ardor of Viomenil, who thought they were burning powder uselessly, and that the moment was arrived for the assault, descended alone into the ravine which separated him from the enemy, tranquilly mounted the opposite side, entered the abattis within pistol-shot of the English batteries, and returned to assure Viomenil coolly that the abattis was not sufficiently destroyed, and he must wait until the parapet was more levelled, in order that his grenadiers should be exposed as little time as possible. At length the enemy’s fire began to slacken, and Washington judged the moment favorable for the assault. Lafayette at the head of the American light infantry was charged with the attack of the redoubt on the left of the beseiged, and Viomenil, at the head of the French grenadiers with the left. Lafayette thought correctly that to carry entrenchments defended by experienced soldiers with young troops, he could only count on the audacity and rapidity of the attack; in consequence he had all the arms of his division discharged, formed it in column, and led it himself, sword in hand, at full speed across the abattis, and in spite of the enemy’s fire entered the redoubt, of which he was soon master with the loss of but few men. He immediately sent his aid, Barbour, to Viomenil to inform him he was in his redoubt, and inquire where he was. The aid-de-camp found the French general at the head of his column of grenadiers, waiting patiently under arms, under the terrible fire of the enemy until his sappers had methodically prepared a path across the abattis. “Tell Lafayette,” said Viomenil, “that I am not yet in mine, but will be there in five minutes,” and in fact within five minutes, his troops entered the redoubt by beat of drum, and in as good order as if on parade. This action displayed in the strongest manner the discipline, bravery and coolness of the French grenadiers, but cost them a considerable number of killed and wounded. As soon as we were masters of the two redoubts, we established there good lodgments which were connected with the second parallel, and new batteries were constructed, which completed the enclosure of Cornwallis’s army, and battered effectually the interior of the place in a very destructive manner.

“During the night of the 15–16th, the enemy made a sortie of 600 picked troops, commanded by Abercrombie, who met with resistance from all our redoubts, but succeeded in deceiving the French post of the second parallel, by presenting themselves as Americans, and by the aid of this manœuvre gained and spiked a battery of four pieces. Chevalier Chastellux arriving immediately with his reserve, forced the British to retreat precipitately. Thanks to the care of General Aboville, commanding the French artillery, the four badly spiked pieces were ready to be used in six hours afterwards.

“It appeared that this sortie was intended to cover the retreat of Cornwallis and his army. In fact we learned soon after, that general Cornwallis had resolved to leave his sick and baggage, cross the river during the night, attack the troops which occupied Gloucester unexpectedly, and after routing them, to force his way by land even to New York. The plan was a bold one, and worthy of such a man as Cornwallis. His boats were all in readiness, and part of his troops had already landed on the opposite side of the river, when a violent tempest suddenly coming on, rendered it impossible for him to continue his operations. He esteemed himself very fortunate in getting his troops back to York-town, before the daylight betrayed his secret. He then perceived there was no longer a hope of escape for him, and on the 7th he demanded a parley. The negociations continued until the 19th: they were conducted by the American colonel Laurens, whose father was a prisoner in England, and the Viscount de Noailles. The capitulation specified that Cornwallis and his army should be prisoners of war; that the troops should defile with shouldered arms, with flags rolled up, and drums beating an English or German march, and that they should ground their arms on the glacis, in face of the allied armies. This capitulation was ratified by the general in chief, and at noon detachments of the allied troops occupied the principal posts. When the British came out of the city to defile before us, we were ranged in two lines, the Americans on the right, and the French on the left; at the extremity of both lines were all our general officers. In the midst of them, the beloved Washington was conspicuous, from his great height and beautiful charger, which he managed with inimitable grace. At the moment when the head of the column appeared, all eyes sought Cornwallis, who being detained by indisposition, was represented by General O’Hara. The latter either through mistake or determination, offered his sword to General Rochambeau, who by a sign pointed out General Washington, and said, that the French army being only auxiliary, it was from the American general that he should receive orders. O’Hara appeared piqued, and advanced towards Washington, who received him with a noble generosity. It was evident to us that the English in their misfortune were especially mortified to be obliged to lay down their arms before Americans, for the officers and soldiers affected to turn their heads towards the French line. Lafayette perceived this, and revenged himself in a very pleasant manner. He ordered the music of the light infantry to strike up yankee doodle, an air which the British applied to a song composed to ridicule the Americans at the beginning of the war, and which they uniformly sung to all their prisoners. This pleasantry of Lafayette was so bitter to them, that many of them broke their arms in a rage in grounding them on the glacis. Cornwallis himself participated in their weakness of self-love, which made them blush to be conquered by those they chose to consider as rebels, rather than as citizens armed in defence of their rights. The day after the capitulation, being amid the allied generals who came to visit him, he affected in speaking of Lafayette always to separate his glory from that of the Americans. “I determined more willingly to surrender,” said he, addressing our young general, “as I knew that the French were associated with the Americans, and their character assured me of an humane and honourable treatment for my army.” “What,” replied Fayette, “has your lordship so soon forgotten that we Americans are also humane to captive armies?” This answer which alluded to the taking of Burgoyne’s army by the Americans, some time previous, prevented Cornwallis from returning to the subject. You see,” said the old soldier, whom I had not once ventured to interrupt, during his recital, so strongly was I interested, “that Lafayette was on all occasions a strong and ardent friend; he was not contented to serve our cause by his counsels and sword in her battles, but he defended our character and reputation, when they were unjustly attacked, and identifying himself with us, rendered himself as it were bondsman for all our actions. Moreover the English who affected so much contempt for us, ought at least to have talked less of humanity, as they every day outraged this virtue by the most horrible actions. We should never forget that during this campaign of Virginia, so glorious for our arms and fortunate for our independence, fire, pillage and murder accompanied them through our towns and villages; frequently they massacred their prisoners in cold blood after battle, and, in short, during the seige of York-town, despairing to conquer us by force of arms, they attempted to poison us, by sending among us more than an hundred unfortunate negroes, affected with the small-pox, and which our pity succoured at the foot of their ramparts.

“But why dwell so long upon the crimes of a tyranny we have destroyed, and which half a century of happiness and liberty, should efface from our memory!—Have I not moreover a much more pleasant task to accomplish in speaking of the rights which the French army and its virtuous leaders have acquired to American gratitude by their courage and generosity.” He then related to me with emotion a number of incidents, which proved that there never was a better disciplined army, nor understood their duties as allies better, than this little French army, and I ought to add that this evidence of an old American soldier, speaking as it were in presence of the facts he cited, is not the only one I collected during our journey. Every where, even to the smallest villages, which were formerly occupied by the French army, I heard its severe discipline, its profound respect to propriety, patience under fatigues, courage in battle and moderation in victory, highly praised; and I avow that this eulogium on the noble conduct of my countrymen always made my heart beat with a delightful emotion. Why then, does the French restoration of 1815, (which, to attach to its colours, glorious recollections, or to cause to be forgotten the warlike prodigies of the tri-colored cockade, incessantly invokes the standard of Henry IV, which was only distinguished in civil wars, or of Louis XIV, whose banners were merely witness to useless victories or devastating retreats,) not claim as a legitimate heritage a part of the glory of the War of American Independence? Was it not under this White flag that Rochambeau’s grenadiers marched to the capture of Yorktown? Was it not under the banners of legitimacy that our navy immortalized itself in securing the freedom of a young nation by the dispersion of the English fleets? Or does the restoration spurn the glory because it was acquired to the advantage of Liberty? I know not; but what is certain, is, that while we were celebrating the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, the French squadron commanded by Admiral —— which was then lying in Hampton roads, where they might hear the acclamations of American gratitude for French benefits, remained coldly strangers to a festival which ought to have been regarded as a family celebration by both nations. However, we are satisfied that this inexplicable indifference or repugnance, was not participated in by a majority of the officers or crews. Of the officers some privately came on shore and in citizen’s dress, were witness to this patriotic scene, in which the Americans would have speedily assigned them a distinguished place, if they had been permitted to present themselves in their proper uniform.

When I returned to the headquarters, I found our travelling companions very much occupied with this question, and many of them affirmed that the French admiral would not have acted thus unless he had received instructions on the subject from a superior authority.

CHAPTER XIV.

Journey from Yorktown to Richmond by Williamsburg and Norfolk.—History of Virginia. Some considerations on negro slavery.