After the question of personal slavery in the United States, the equally important question of the spiritual slavery, to which some of the people of Europe are condemned by the dominant or state religions, was discussed. The friends of Mr. Madison congratulated themselves, that at least this sort of slavery was unknown, in their beloved country; they entered into some details which showed me that they were not men to be contented with what we incessantly invoke as a benefit in Europe, that is religious tolerance. “Tolerance,” said one of them, “is beyond doubt preferable to persecution, but it would always be insupportable in a free country, because it marks an insulting pride. To give one religion the right to tolerate, and subject others to the disgrace of being tolerated, it would be first necessary to prove that the tolerant is the only good one, and that all the tolerated were bad. This proof is unobtainable, since each believes his own religion to be the best. The word toleration is, therefore, an insult, and cannot reasonably be replaced except by the word liberty. This liberty we now enjoy in the fullest sense of the term, and we are sure that throughout our twenty-four states, not one is to be found in which it is not better understood than in any part of Europe. However, we have also had our times of tolerance, indeed I may say of intolerance; before our glorious revolution, for instance, we still groaned under laws, by which for certain degrees of heresy, a father could be deprived of the privilege of educating his own children. Every individual might lose the rights of citizen, and a part of the protection of the laws, and sometimes even be burnt. At present there is a happy difference; thanks to our new laws, worthy of the immortal sages who framed them, no individual can be forced to observe any religious worship, nor to frequent any place, nor to support any minister, of whatever religion he may be, nor be constrained, retained, disturbed or oppressed in his own person, or his goods; in short he cannot be persecuted in any manner on account of his religious opinions; but all men have liberty to profess and sustain by reasoning their religious opinions, and these opinions can neither diminish nor increase any of their civil rights.”
To this interesting conversation I paid particular attention; one of the persons engaged in it, who had observed me, took me aside while tea was preparing, and said:—“Since you take so deep an interest in every thing relating to the formation of our institutions, I will tell you of one which was not mentioned by my friend for fear of offending the modesty of our host.—Previous to the revolution, the episcopal religion was the prevailing form of worship in this state; its ministers, dissatisfied at the equality established between different sects by the law of 1776, and still more with the law of 1779, which deprived them of the appointments, which they had previously received from government, declared that they could not be contented with voluntary contributions, and caused a petition to be presented to the general assembly in 1784–5, praying for the support of the ministers of the gospel by the government. This petition supported by the most popular talents of the house, appeared likely to triumph; to paralyze this success, some members proposed and obtained a reference of the petition to the ensuing session, as well as to have it printed and submitted to public examination; during the interval, Colonels Mason and G. Nicholas besought Mr. Madison to draw up a refutation of the petition. This refutation was diffused extensively among the people, and was so successful, that it soon received the signatures of vast numbers of persons of all sects, and at the following session the petition was altogether rejected. You will no doubt be pleased to read this production, which in my opinion, contains all that can be most strongly and judiciously said in favour of religious liberty. On reading this refutation, I found it worthy of the commendations bestowed. The principles it contains, are simple, reasonable, and most eloquently established and defended.”
On the 19th of November, we left Montpelier to go to Fredericksburg by the way of Orange Court-house, a numerous escort commanded by Captain Mason came in the morning to attend General Lafayette, and Mr. Madison wished to accompany him. On arriving at Orange Court-house, we found all the inhabitants drawn up in two lines, between which the general advanced to Col. Barbour, the governor of the state of Virginia, deputed by his fellow citizens to make an address to the nation’s guest. In passing along these two lines, the general received the expression of the regrets of some old revolutionary soldiers, who had been prevented by age and the distance from joining their military companions at the Yorktown celebration; he consoled them by evidences of friendship and remembrance, for which they seemed very grateful. After Col. Barbour’s address, Miss Derby presented him in the name of her youthful companions with a nosegay of flowers, and accompanied it by a tender and respectful address.—We did not remain longer than was necessary to be present at an entertainment, over which Col. Barbour presided, who according to custom, proclaimed thirteen toasts during the dessert; these official or regular toasts were followed by numerous volunteers, all expressive of patriotism and gratitude. After the dinner, we parted from Mr. Madison, who, notwithstanding his seventy-four years, mounted his horse with activity, and set out through the woods for his peaceful dwelling. We continued on our journey, accompanied by the escort with which we arrived, now considerably augmented by a large number of citizens, who wished to prolong the pleasure of being near Lafayette.
We had advanced but a little way when we discovered a great crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erected at the intersection of the road, and a narrow path scarcely to be distinguished from the thickness of the wood. We soon learned, that this path, over which young females were strewing flowers, and which the crowd passed over with such touching interest, was the road opened by Lafayette, on the 15th June, 1781, in order to make a forced march from the banks of the Rapidan to Michunk Creek, where Cornwallis was much astonished to find him prepared for battle, at the moment he thought he might seize without resistance upon the magazines of the middle states established at Albemarle. This new proof of the honourable recollection in which the Americans held all his actions, deeply affected Lafayette. He was moved almost to tears, when he was covered with flowers by the young ladies, when in descending from his carriage be found himself surrounded and tenderly embraced by the citizens, who awaited him under the triumphal arch. He conversed a long time with them, and related to the young people how strongly these places reminded him of the obligations he owed to their parents. “It was here,” said he, “at the moment when I effected by this path a movement which would have been so fatal, if unsuccessful, that they abandoned their harvests to join my little army, and during that whole campaign, the separation from their families, fatigues of every description, the ruinous abandonment of agriculture, and the difficulty of procuring provisions, did not prevent them from remaining with the army far beyond the time we had any right to ask of them.” But Lafayette did not relate, because modesty prevented him, the address with which he raised the courage of the most dejected, and kept those nearest himself, who were most disposed to withdraw. A detachment of militia were retained beyond their time, by the tardiness of those who were to relieve them, and complaining daily more and more, the general agreed that their discontent was well founded; expressed how sensible he was of the considerable injury which must result to those who were so long detained from homeland especially by this unexpected delay, which he could not provide against. He added that he could not imagine the cause of it; apologized for having retained them beyond their time, and declared that he had not the courage to keep them longer, and therefore gave permission to all to withdraw, adding, that for his own part he could not abandon the post confided to him, and should remain with the small number of regular troops he had. He knew perfectly the character of the men he commanded, and by this method obtained the desired results, for after speaking thus he would have found it difficult to have induced one to go, without giving him a certificate that he was obliged to leave him. “Who is the wretch,” said they to each other, “who could ever dream of abandoning the marquis,” by which name the Americans distinguished Lafayette throughout the war. This mode of designating him had become so habitual throughout the United States, that it was still used when we arrived at New York. During several days the newspapers, in giving an account of his movements, and of the entertainments given to him, used no other appellation in speaking of him, and they only relinquished it when they learned that the general constantly refused to resume this title, since his renunciation of it in the national assembly. His cotemporaries had a great deal of difficulty in renouncing an old habit which was not without its charms to them, since it reminded them of their youthful days. I recollect at Philadelphia an old lady, who had known him well during the revolution, and who probably thought of him as he appeared at that time, pressed towards him through the crowd, saying, “Let me pass, that I may again see that good young marquis.”
It was not until sunset on the 20th of November, that we arrived at Fredericksburgh, where the general was received by the little boys formed into a battalion under the name of Lafayette Cadets; the night was already dark, and the town glittered with illumination, when we arrived at the place where the mayor pronounced his welcome. A splendid supper, and a ball in which all the ladies of Fredericksburg were present, terminated the day. Next day being Sunday, we went to the Episcopal church, escorted by the free masons in grand ceremony. The clergyman who officiated was a member of the lodge. On Monday we passed part of the day with Captain Lewis, a nephew of General Washington, and in the evening we set out for Washington, accompanied for several miles by the inhabitants of Fredericksburgh. At the Strafford county line, the extremity of which we crossed, the militia met the general to escort him to the Potomac, where the vessel waited for us, and conveyed us to Washington by a pleasant night voyage.
[1]. Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family? This quartetto of Gretry is a great favourite among the French national airs, and is always played or sung on similar occasions. Gretry in his memoirs, relates wonderful effects of this piece of music; of families reconciled who had been before at deadly variance.—D.
[2]. Gnaphalium, the everlasting flower. This among the French is emblematic of lasting affection.—D.
[3]. The state of New York, it is believed, is the only one in our union, that has thus wisely and prudently provided for the complete, but gradual emancipation of the coloured race; by admitting those only to the full enjoyment of the rights of citizens, who by their industry and economy, have acquired a certain amount of property, and thus given a pledge to the country, for their future good conduct. It seems, indeed, the best course to be pursued with a population which circumstances have placed in an inferior degree of civilization to the rest of the community. If ever, as we must hope, this country is to be freed from the pest of slavery, it is by such measures as this (in connection with others) that the event is to be prepared, so that it may be met without some dreadful catastrophe. Our enthusiastic author, who sees in this an unjust and invidious distinction between the two races, had not yet, as his interlocutor very properly observes, prepared his mind for a correct judgment, by a visit to those states, whose situation requires that their friends and neighbours should not be too hasty in carrying into effect their liberal theories; but should guard and measure their steps with a view to future, as well as present circumstances, and to the ultimate welfare and safety of the whole American union.—D.
[4]. Those whom our author here calls magistrates, were probably no other than constables, who are the executive officers of our police. The service of Justices of the Peace, whom in this country we distinguish by the name of magistrates, is seldom required on such occasions.—D.