Miantonomo became in his turn a victim to the same over-reaching spirit. He began the war, indeed—or rather the campaign—and Uncas, on the other hand, was encouraged in his course by his allies;—but a magnanimous soul would never have permitted either circumstance to affect the treatment of a sovereign like himself, who had fallen into his hands by the chances of battle.
Ninigret next became the grand object of his scrutiny. He went forward as often as practicable to prejudice the character of that chieftain in the eyes of the English, as well as to reduce his resources by direct attacks. No man was so zealous as he in furnishing evidence—such as it was—to convict him of a conspiracy with the Dutch against the colonies; and though he is understood to have been ostensibly at peace with him at that period, he carried his interference to such a length as to lay wait and intercept a Niantick canoe which, as he pretended to suspect, was laden with certain palpable evidences of the hostile coalition. So we find him falling upon Mexham, Necwash Cooke, Woosamequin, and last of all, King Philip. No doubt, he had sagacity enough to perceive, that such a course must prove unfavorable, if not fatal to his race; but patriotism, honor, friendship, generosity, truth, every nobler feeling of his nature was merged in a barbarous, ferocious ambition.
There is a curious illustration of this weakness upon record:—"Vncus complained that Sequasson som yeares sence as is well knoune began hostile actes vpon him to the desturbance of the publicke peace. Whervpon hee was ocationed to fight and in the Issue ouercame him and conquared his Country, which though hee gaue to the English and did not oppose the fauor they were pleased to shew him in sparing his life, yet hee cannot but look on himselfe as wronged, in that Sequaason, as hee is informed, is set up and endeauoured to bee made a great Sachem, notwithstanding hee hath refused to pay an acknoulidgment of wampam to him according to engagements."
Of this acknowledgement, no proof appears but the Sachem's own assertion; and whether true or not, no real cause of complaint can be gathered from the whole context. The Commissioners, with their usual complaisance, "disclaimed any Endeauors of theirs to make Sequasson great, and are ignorant of what hee afeirmes concerning the other [acknowledgement] yet recommended it to the Gouernment of Conectncot to examine the case, and to provide vpon due proofe Vcus may be owned in what may be just and equall, and Mr. Ludlow was entreated to promote the same." This passage will be found in the Records for 1651. No subsequent mention is made of the suit.
It might be a subject of some speculation, what were the causes of the extraordinary partiality of the English for Uncas; and especially what were the means whereby he counteracted the strong current of reproach which set against him from all other quarters. Different opinions have been entertained upon this point. We suppose, however, the Commissioners considered it good policy, to select some one among the principal uncivilized and unsubjected Indian chiefs, to be made a channel of intercourse and influence with and over all. This one would naturally be the most ambitious, and at the same time least scrupulous of the number. Such was Uncas; and hence it was, that with his shrewdness, he found no difficulty in maintaining a tolerably good understanding with them under all circumstances. The "proud Ninigret" disdained the English interference. Massasoit protected rather than courted them. Sassacus fought them at the first provocation. Philip hated them and kept aloof; and Miantonomo, though he met them and treated them as friends, yet forgot not a soul of his own, more sovereign than his royal blood. But Uncas was neither more nor less than their humble servant. He fought for them, and gave evidence for them, with about the same alacrity, and the same indifference as to subject or occasion, antagonist or defendant.
Whenever complaints were made against himself; he of course had resources for defence. There was something in the testimony he could generally bring forward in his favor; and still more in the ingenuity of his explanations, or the humility of his acknowledgements and apologies. Other Sachems, irritated by suspicion and accusation, frequently committed themselves in reality by rash speeches and rude acts. But Uncas never lost sight of his interest in his pride.
The pliability of Indian evidence, and the manœuvres of Indian politicians, appear singularly in the case of Necwash Cooke. Uncas was at New Haven, attending a meeting of the Commissioners, in 1646, when one William Morton came forward, and charged him with having hired Wampushet, a Pequot Powah then present, "by himselfe or some other with a hatchet to wounde another Indian and lay it vpon Neckwash Cooke." The consideration for the bargain was said to be fifteen fathoms of Wampum, and the Indian was assaulted according to the terms. After some inquiry into the evidence, Wampushet himself was brought upon the stand, and questioned by the English interpreter. Much to the astonishment of Mr. Morton, and of the Pequots who came into court with him, he cleared Uncas and cast the plot upon Cooke himself, and Robin, Mr. Winthrop's Indian; and though the other two Pequots, whereof one was Robin's brother, were much offended, "and after [afterwards] said Uncas had hired him to withdrawe and after his chardge, yet hee persisted and said Necwash Cooke and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches and promised him twenty-five fathome of wampam to cast the plott vpon Uncas."
As to the main allegation in Cooke's case, which was proved, the Sachem acknowledged some miscarriages or misdemeanors in vindicating what he called his right, so near the English plantations,—but alleged provocation. Then follows the sentence.
1. That it was an error to quarrel with Cooke to the public disturbance, without consent of the English.
2. That to do it near an English plantation was worse still; and the Commissioners required him to acknowledge his fault to that plantation, (as he did to themselves) and by promise to secure them from any such disturbance or the future.