After the peace was concluded, the Turtle settled upon Eel-River, about twenty miles from Fort Wayne, where the Americans erected for him a comfortable house. He frequently visited the seat of Government both at Philadelphia and Washington. His taste for civilized life being observed, the Indian agents were desired by the Government to furnish him with every reasonable accommodation for his decent subsistence,—supposing that the example might prove beneficial in their exertions to civilize the other Indians.
These indulgences, however, entirely destroyed—for a time, at least—the Turtle's influence among the savages; for some envied his good fortune, and others suspected his honesty. Being perfectly sensible of this, and not a little chagrined by it, we may fairly presume that he made various attempts to recover his popularity. This was probably the secret of his opposition to the interest of the United States on more occasions than one where it was not altogether indispensable. But we certainly need not deny him on that account the credit of real patriotism which he manifested at all times. The truth is, that in some indifferent cases, when he might have yielded to the demands of the American authorities without disgrace, he opposed them chiefly for the sake of retaining or regaining his influence with his countrymen.
Under these circumstances, however, he was of course liable to accusations which he did not deserve,—by the Indians, of being bribed by the Government, and by the Americans, of thwarting their purposes from a puerile regard to the whims rather than the interest of the Indians. As an instance of the latter, we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and 1803, at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which was the conveyance of an immense territory to the United States from the Pottawatamies, Piankishaws, Weas, Eel-River Miamies, and some other tribes or parts of tribes.
Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils had been recommended by the Turtle, but that when the time came, he refused to attend,—-alleging as his reason, that "the jealousy with which the chiefs viewed the footing he stood upon with the United States, would make his presence rather more injurious than serviceable." Now, this would seem to be a sufficient explanation; and yet the historian does not hesitate to say, that the Turtle had just before been visited, bribed and gained over by the British-Indian agent, McKee. This is asserted without qualification, although the same paragraph shows that the testimony in the case was nothing more than the "opinion" of a "Mr. Wells." It is added that, "however that might be"—implying a doubt after all—the Turtle certainly used his influence to prevent the other chiefs from attending the Council. This might be true, but it proves at best, only that he made some farther exertion to clear himself of that suspicion among the Indians which he gave as his reason for not attending the council, and at the same time to obviate the necessity itself of attending.
The result proves the correctness of his judgment. Those who did attend were at first extremely opposed to Governor Harrison's propositions; but after considerable discussion they determined to refer the whole matter—and it was one of no small moment to the Indian interest—to four chiefs of the various tribes represented, or a majority of them, "to finally settle and adjust a treaty" with the Agents of the Government. At the head of the commission was the Turtle himself; and his nephew, Richardville, a member of the same tribe, was another.
Had any other course been taken than this, for which the Turtle is accused of corruption, it is probable that the treaty would never have been authorized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately convinced of its policy,—for the presence of the Turtle would have been an argument to counterbalance all others. The historian does the Chieftain better justice in the sequel. A meeting of the Commissioners with the Governor having been appointed for the spring of 1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the latter, on arriving there, was astonished to find that all who had agreed to attend, were still absent, while the Turtle, who had only been authorized to act in the premises, was on the spot, together with the Pottawatomie Chiefs. It seems they had by this time grown jealous again; audit comes out in evidence, that the Owl, or Long-Beard, had been busily employed in dissuading the Indians from meeting him, and that his representations had been effectual in many cases. The Owl, despite big name, was as subtle as he was wicked, and he found means to detach the Miami nation almost entirely from the interests of the Turtle and Richardville, who were the real chiefs of the tribe. This he effected by asserting that the former had sold to the United States the whole country, and that it would be claimed as it might be wanted. He earnestly advised them not to accept any annuities in future, assuring them that the United States would at a future day claim a large tract of land for every annuity which they might pay to the Indians.
We have before mentioned that when Buckongahelas and other chiefs finally attended at Fort Wayne, and opposed the treaty, it was effected, according to the historian's statement, principally by the influence of the Turtle. It appears to have been on the whole a measure mutually beneficial to the two contracting parties; but the Turtle no doubt thought that an agreement once made should be ratified at all events, whatever the effect might be on his own popularity.
There is probably more justice in the charge brought against him in regard to the treaty concluded with the Piankashaws and Delawares, in 1804,—though perhaps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it appears, nor were the Pottawatamies. They believed themselves entitled to a voice in the matter, and were therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their displeasure at the result. It is alleged, however, that "no claim would have been set up by them, had the Turtle been consulted when the treaty was made."
This may be true,—for, setting aside courtesy, he and his countrymen might at least have been prepossessed in favor of the honesty of the transaction, by an appearance of entire frankness on the part of the whites. Not that the treaty was in fact unprincipled; but the manner of concluding it might well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive. They claimed an interest in the lands conveyed, and a consequent right to be consulted as parties; and they wished that, even if the case admitted of no argument, they might be allowed to hear what was said, and to see what was done. Their anxiety was certainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the tract thus conveyed included "all that fine country between the Ohio and the Wabash rivers (as high up as the road leading from Vincennes to Louisville,) with a front of three hundred miles on the one and nearly half as much on the other." It further appears, that at a general council of the tribes at Vincennes, in 1805, a treaty was negotiated, which "settled the dispute respecting the purchase made of the Delawares the year before,"—the Miamies and the other claimants being present. There was really a dispute, then—and it was settled—and that formally, by all the parties concerned. It should have been prevented, we conceive, instead of being settled; and in that case, the Turtle might have been spared the charge of "manœuvring" and "intriguing" with the British Agents.
He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the Prophet, from the time of their first appearance on the political stage, and it was owing to his influence that very little was effected by them among the Miamies, as well as other tribes, for a longtime. Had he lived through the war with England, he would undoubtedly have exerted himself more energetically for the American interest than ever before. The following communication indicates the part he was prepared to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe. The "witness" probably acted as amanuensis:—