Topographic and soil conditions necessarily had also their influence on this development. In the plains, the plateau, and the hill country, the distinction of forest and field as it now exists had been in general attained in the 15th century, while in the mountain country, forest destruction began only in the 18th century and continued till the middle of the 19th century, stimulated by the development of the metal industry and the improvement in means of communication. The clearings made here were turned into pasture and, being overpastured, became waste lands. Thus, owing to topographic and soil conditions, a very uneven distribution of forest has resulted and we find a variation in forest area from 9% (Genf) to over 39% (in the Jura) of the total land area of the different cantons, the average being 20.6%, leaving out of consideration the area above timber limit (5,000 to 7,500 feet) and the waters and rocks below. This is less than in Germany and Austria, more than in France; but, if allowance is made for unproductive soil which is included in the German area statements, the percentage of forest area on productive soil would about equal that of Germany. In the last 25 years, the area has increased by 10 per cent. to 2,140,000 acres. This area is insufficient to supply the demand, from 15 to 25% of it being imported. In 1907, the imports had risen to nearly 25 million cubic feet, valued at $9 million.

Property rights developed at first similarly to those developed on German soil, except that, as we have seen, feudal conditions were not allowed to gain foothold to the same extent, and liberty from serfdom was secured earlier. In 1798, seigniorial rights had pretty nearly been extinguished. At present, ownership is still largely communal: nearly 67% are so owned, making this property of highest forest political importance; private owners hold only 28.5%, and the cantonal forests represent but 4.6%; the Bund as such owning none. It is also to be noted that communal property is constantly increasing by purchases from private holdings.

2. Development of Forest Policy.

No doubt, in some parts the first beginnings of care for forest property and forest use date back even to Roman times. Charlemagne had his forest officials here as elsewhere, and the number of ban forests seems to have been especially great, some 400 “bannbriefe,” documents establishing them, having been collected at Bern. The first forest ordinance regulating the use of a special forest area in Bern dates from 1304. But the first working plan seems to have been made for the city forest of Zürich, the so-called Sihlwald, in 1680-1697, and to this day this corporation property, with its intensive and most profitable management, is the pride of all Switzerland. The Bernese cantonal forests were first surveyed and placed under management from 1725 to 1739, and fully regulated by 1765.

An excellent forest code for Bâle was drawn up in 1755 by Bishop Joseph William; and in 1760, through the propaganda of the two scientific societies of Zurich and Bern, the teaching of forestry was begun, and forest organization in the two cantons secured in 1773 and 1786. The canton of Soleure (Solothurn) was the first to start a regular system of instruction, two citizens from each woodland district being given the opportunity to qualify themselves as foresters.

Each canton had, of course, its own laws protecting forest property against theft and fire; in the latter respect especially great care was exercised and burning of brush could only be done by permit and under a force of watchers.

The example of Zürich and Bern in organizing the management of their forest areas was followed more or less by other cantons, but a real serious movement is not discernible until the beginning of the 19th century, when with the impetus of modern life and trade the value of forest property increased, and most cantons issued regulative forest laws.

Forest ordinances had from time to time attempted to prevent the decrease of forest area by forbidding clearings, regulating pasture, and forbidding wood export to other villages or cantons, a local timber famine being dreaded. But, only when a severe flood, in 1830, had accentuated the protective value of forest cover, were the forest ordinances more strenuously enforced, and a general movement for better management began in the various cantons. This was partly signalized by sending young men to the forest schools of Germany.

Largely through the influence of a lively propaganda carried on by such men as Landolt and Coaz, backed by the Swiss forestry association, (founded in 1848), and through the increase of torrential floods, especially in 1834 and 1868, was it made clear that a central power would have to be clothed with authority to regulate the use at least of the alpine forest.

In 1857, the Bund ordered an investigation of the mountain forests in all parts; this was made by Landolt. But opposition by the cantons against restrictive measures prevented any legislative result. At the same time, an annual vote of $2,000 was made to the forestry association for reforestation and engineering works in the Alps. This grant was changed, in 1871, by voting an annual credit of $20,000 to be expended by the Bundesrath for similar purposes. The floods of 1868 brought such distress in certain cantons that contributions from all other parts were required to assist the flood sufferers; and $200,000 of the collections were appropriated for reforestation. Finally, in 1874, through the effort of the forestry association, it was determined to create a central bureau of forest inspection for the whole Bund in the Department of the Interior, and an article was inserted in the constitution declaring the superior right of oversight by the Federation over the water and forest police in the high Alps, at the same time proposing to aid in the engineering and reboisement work necessary to correct the torrents, and to take measures for the preservation of these works and forests.