Ferrers announced that he was to stand for the free, respectable, open city of C———, with an electoral population of 2,500. A very showy place it was for a member in the old ante-reform times, and was considered a thoroughly independent borough. The secretary congratulated and complimented him.
“We have had losses lately in our elections among the larger constituencies,” said Lumley.
“We have indeed—three towns lost in the last six months. Members do die so very unseasonably.”
“Is Lord Staunch yet provided for?” asked Lumley. Now Lord Staunch was one of the popular show-fight great guns of the administration—not in office, but that most useful person to all governments, an out-and-out supporter upon the most independent principles—who was known to have refused place and to value himself on independence—a man who helped the government over the stile when it was seized with a temporary lameness, and who carried “great weight with him in the country.” Lord Staunch had foolishly thrown up a close borough in order to contest a large city, and had failed in the attempt. His failure was everywhere cited as a proof of the growing unpopularity of ministers.
“Is Lord Staunch yet provided for?” asked Lumley.
“Why, he must have his old seat—Three-Oaks. Three-Oaks is a nice, quiet little place; most respectable constituency—all Staunch’s own family.”
“Just the thing for him; yet, ‘tis a pity that he did not wait to stand for C———; my uncle’s interest would have secured him.”
“Ay, I thought so the moment C——— was vacant. However, it is too late now.”
“It would be a great triumph if Lord Staunch could show that a large constituency volunteered to elect him without expense.”
“Without expense!—Ah, yes, indeed! It would prove that purity of election still exists—that British institutions are still upheld.”