“But you will have those consolations. And,” added Randal, energetically, “the gain to your career will be so immense!”
“That is precisely what it cannot be,” answered Egerton, gloomily. “I grant that I may, if I choose, resign office with the present Government, and so at once destroy that Government; for my resignation on such ground would suffice to do it. I grant this; but for that very reason I could not the next day take office with another administration. I could not accept wages for desertion. No gentleman could! and therefore—” Audley stopped short, and buttoned his coat over his broad breast. The action was significant; it said that the man’s mind was made up.
In fact, whether Audley Egerton was right or wrong in his theory depends upon much subtler, and perhaps loftier, views in the casuistry of political duties, than it was in his character to take. And I guard myself from saying anything in praise or disfavour of his notions, or implying that he is a fit or unfit example in a parallel case. I am but describing the man as he was, and as a man like him would inevitably be, under the influences in which he lived, and in that peculiar world of which he was so emphatically a member. “Ce n’est pas moi qui parle, c’est Marc Aurele.”
He speaks, not I.
Randal had no time for further discussion. They now reached Egerton’s house, and the minister, taking the chamber candlestick from his servant’s hand, nodded a silent goodnight to Leslie, and with a jaded look retired to his room.
CHAPTER XV.
But not on the threatened question was that eventful campaign of Party decided. The Government fell less in battle than skirmish. It was one fatal Monday—a dull question of finance and figures. Prosy and few were the speakers,—all the Government silent, save the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and another business-like personage connected with the Board of Trade, whom the House would hardly condescend to hear. The House was in no mood to think of facts and figures. Early in the evening, between nine and ten, the Speaker’s sonorous voice sounded, “Strangers must withdraw!” And Randal, anxious and foreboding, descended from his seat and went out of the fatal doors. He turned to take a last glance at Audley Egerton. The whipper-in was whispering to Audley; and the minister pushed back his hat from his brows, and glanced round the House, and up into the galleries, as if to calculate rapidly the relative numbers of the two armies in the field; then he smiled bitterly, and threw himself back into his seat. That smile long haunted Leslie.
Amongst the strangers thus banished with Randal, while the division was being taken, were many young men, like himself, connected with the administration,—some by blood, some by place. Hearts beat loud in the swarming lobbies. Ominous mournful whispers were exchanged. “They say the Government will have a majority of ten.” “No; I hear they will certainly be beaten.” “H—says by fifty.” “I don’t believe it,” said a Lord of the Bedchamber; “it is impossible. I left five Government members dining at The Travellers.” “No one thought the division would be so early.” “A trick of the Whigs-shameful!” “Wonder some one was not set up to talk for time; very odd P—did not speak; however, he is so cursedly rich, he does not care whether he is out or in.” “Yes; and Audley Egerton too, just such another: glad, no doubt, to be set free to look after his property; very different tactics if we had men to whom office was as necessary as it is—to me!” said a candid young placeman. Suddenly the silent Leslie felt a friendly grasp on his arm. He turned and saw Levy.
“Did I not tell you?” said the baron, with an exulting smile.