A History of Germany from the Earliest Times to the Present Day

by Bayard Taylor

The task of fighting a state within the state, which confronted the Federal Government and the nation at the very outset, was hard and bitter on both sides. It took place in Parliament as well as in the Prussian and Bavarian Assemblies, and as a struggle for the preservation of the blessings of modern civilization it has been designated "Kulturkampf," a fight for culture.

In the beginning of 1872 the Chancellor knew himself sufficiently supported by the National-Liberals in Parliament and in the Prussian Assembly to take up the combat with the Roman Church and its adherents in both political bodies. He caused the reactionary Minister of Culture, von Mühler, to resign his office, and invited Adalbert Falk, a statesman of keen insight and fearless energy, to take his place. Falk undertook to define the boundaries between the State and the Church by a series of laws, and his first success was in carrying through the Prussian Assembly a bill that made the public schools independent of the Church, and gave their supervision to the State. The Pope's answer to this measure was his refusal to receive the Emperor's ambassador, Cardinal Hohenlohe, who had been nominated for diplomatic representation at the Vatican on account of his conciliatory spirit. At this period Bismarck made his famous declaration, "To Canossa we do not go!" The conflict waxed hotter, and from all parts of Germany the enlightened portions of the people sent petitions to Parliament, asking it to exclude from the precincts of the Empire the Jesuits, who were known to be the Pope's advisers, and as such were at the root of the evil. The demand was granted. A bill to that effect was introduced into Parliament, and, after much passionate debate, became a law. Before the close of the year every member of the Society of Jesus had to leave Germany, and all institutions belonging to that organization were closed.

1873. THE MAY LAWS.

The year 1873 brought about the important legislation by which the lines between the competencies of State and Church were conclusively defined. It was designed primarily to benefit Prussia, but its effect in the end was of advantage to the whole of Germany. The bills destined to restrict the undue power of the Roman Catholic Church, in spite of violent opposition on the part of the Ultramontanes and the reactionary Feudals, were carried through the Prussian Assembly in the month of May, and hence are called the "May laws." They were met by open rebellion on the part of the Prussian episcopacy. The Catholic clergy closed the doors of their seminaries to the Government supervisors; they published protests of every form against legislation that had not the sanction of the Papal See; they omitted to make announcement to the provincial governments of newly appointed curates or beneficiaries, and demonstrated in every way their insubordination to the lay authorities. In accordance with the new laws, these rebellious acts were punished by the withdrawal of dotations that had been granted by the State to Roman Catholic seminaries or schools, and the latter in some instances were closed. The curates appointed without consent of the head authorities were forbidden to officiate, and their religious functions declared to be null and void. Then the rebellious prelates were fined or imprisoned, and, as a last resort, declared to be out of office, while the endowments of their dioceses were administered by lay officials.

1874.

In 1874 civil marriage was made obligatory by law, first in Prussia, and then, after receiving also the sanction of Parliament, throughout the Empire. With this measure a powerful weapon was wrenched from the hands of the clergy, and another blow was dealt. Other measures followed, under protests from Pope and clergy, and hot debating was continued in the legislative bodies, until, in 1876, matters of another nature and more momentous importance forced themselves to the front.

The work for organization and reform, up to this time, had progressed in various directions, and the proposed measures for cementing German unity had received more or less ready support in Parliament and the Assemblies of the different States. The latter had their representatives at Berlin, who were nominated by their respective sovereigns. They met in a body called the Bundesrath—the Counsel of the Federation. Any step taken by the Federal Government towards legislation affecting the whole of the Empire had to be laid before and agreed to by the Bundesrath before it could be introduced into Parliament. Thus the rights of the States were preserved, and the reigning Princes were made still to feel their importance, which tended to create harmony between them and the Empire.

While the interior growth of the latter was of a healthy and steady nature, the genius of the great statesman, Prince Bismarck, was busy likewise in allaying the fears and, in a measure, mollifying the envy and jealousies of neighboring powers. In September, 1872, the Emperors of Germany, Austria, and Russia met at Berlin, to renew assurances of friendship and thus convince the world of their peaceable intentions. The cordial relations between the reigning families of Germany and Italy were strengthened by visits from court to court, and even Denmark was somewhat pacified in regard to its loss of Schleswig-Holstein. But France still frowned at a distance, and was preparing for revenge. The meeting of the three Emperors gave her additional offence, and she strove to reorganize and enlarge her army. This called forth counter-movements in Germany, where the reorganization of the army—even before the late wars a pet project of William I.—had been agreed to by Parliament. A prudent diplomacy, and the friendly demonstrations of Alexander II. to the German Emperor and his Chancellor, dispelled for a time the rising war-clouds, and the peaceful work of interior organization was continued.

1882. REVISION OF THE MAY LAWS.

After the Roman Church had been restricted to its lawful boundaries, the most important questions looming up were those in reference to financial matters. The income of the Empire proved insufficient to cover the enormous outlay for necessary changes and reforms to be perfected, while at the same time influences were brought about to forward a higher protective policy than had been adhered to hitherto. In order to bring about an increased tariff, and such taxation as the financial situation required, the Chancellor had to look for the support of other parties than the Nationals and the Liberal-Conservatives. He took it where it was offered, and here the Ultramontanes or Centre party saw their opportunity. The consequence was a tacit compromise with the latter. The contest with the Vatican faltered; a conciliatory policy was adopted in matters concerning the Catholic Church, and Falk, seeing his work crippled, resigned his office, in 1879, to make room for a reactionary Minister of Culture. In 1882 a revision of the May laws took place; the refractory bishops were allowed to return, the ecclesiastical institutions were reopened, salaries were paid once more to the clergy by the State, and other restitutions were made, for all of which the Pope only acceded to the demand that new appointments of ecclesiastics should be announced in due form to the German Government.