1888. WILLIAM II.
William II., born on the 27th of January, 1859, now became Emperor of Germany. Many were the doubts with which he was seen to succeed to the throne. He was young in years, in view of the heavy responsibilities awaiting him; impulsive, where a steady head was required; and a soldier with all his heart. Nevertheless, there was nothing to indicate during the first years of his reign that the "old course" had been abandoned. The first important event took place in March, 1890, when the startling news was heard that Prince Bismarck had sent his resignation to the Emperor, and that it had been accepted. For a moment the fate of Germany seemed to hang in suspense; but the public mind soon recovered from the shock it had received, and the most thoughtful of people realized that a young ruler, imbued with modern ideas, and with an individuality all his own, could not be expected to remain in harmony with or to be guided by a statesman who, however great and wise, was growing old and in a measure incapable of seeing a new light in affairs of internal policy. On March 29th the ex-Chancellor left Berlin to retire to his estates. Along his drive to the railway station he received the spontaneous ovations of an immense concourse of people, who by their enthusiastic cheers showed their appreciation for the creator of the new Germany.
1890.
The Emperor nominated General Caprivi Chancellor of the Empire in place of Bismarck. It was a good choice, since William II. evidently meant in future to be his own chancellor. He was of too vivacious a nature to accept a policy of State and Empire made ready to his hands. He had knowledge, and ideas of his own which he expected to carry out. The first serious dissension between the Emperor and Bismarck seems to have turned upon the question of Socialism. Bismarck was in favor of combating it with the utmost vigor, in order to avert the dangers threatening to State and society; the Emperor, on the contrary, was for conciliatory measures; for listening to the demands of the laboring classes, and remedying by arbitration and further legislation the evils of which they complained. The repressive measures hitherto resorted to, and the new ones proposed, were abandoned, and thus far there is no cause to condemn this "new course." Although the dangers from Socialism have not grown less, it is no longer necessary for the enemy of social order and justice to hide his face, and by that much it is easier to fight him and to strike at the right spot.
Another event of note which took place in the same year, is the German-English agreement of July 1st, by which the respective limits of colonial possessions in Africa were regulated, and Germany became the possessor of the island of Helgoland as a compensation for the lion's share secured in Africa by England. The only value Germany derives from this acquisition will show itself in a future war, when the fortified island-rock may serve as an outpost, disputing the advance of hostile war ships toward the northern coast of Germany.
In the following year the Triple Alliance was renewed, and had the wholesome effect of stopping various rumors of war. Besides, Russia, who had exchanged uncommon civilities with France, was in no condition to go to war, crippled as she was by the dreadful suffering of her people through famine consequent upon the failure of crops. Still another incentive was furnished for France and Russia to remain at peace by an understanding between England and Italy to keep intact the status quo in the Mediterranean. Although not a treaty in the literal sense of the word, it was sufficient to raise the prestige of the Triple Alliance, and thus to strengthen its pacific tendencies.
1892. THE ARMY BILL.
But the most important feature of internal policy is to be found in the new commercial treaties which Germany contracted, first with the two other powers of the Triple Alliance—Austria-Hungary and Italy—and then with Belgium and Switzerland, as the most favored nations. The treaties were planned and carefully drafted to bring relief to the industrial classes by opening fresh channels for the exports of the country; but inasmuch as the tariff was lowered by them on the necessities of life, they also favored the rest of the population and especially the laboring classes. These treaties were ratified in Parliament by a large majority.
In the spring of the year (April 24th) Germany lost one of her greatest men, the Field-Marshal Count Moltke, who had lived more than ninety years in the full enjoyment of his powers. Another man, who also had been prominent in his way, Windthorst, had died just one month before Moltke, but he was missed only by the Roman Catholic Centre party, who lost in him their ablest leader.
The following year a bill was laid before the Prussian Assembly purporting to reform the public schools, but introducing at the same time such clauses as would render both public and private schools confessional. The bill was no sooner made public than it became evident that only the ultra Conservatives and the Centre or Ultramontane party were in favor of it, while the other parties, and behind them their constituents, declared themselves extremely opposed to it. In consequence of this bill the whole of Germany became greatly agitated; numerous protests were sent to the Assembly and the Minister of Culture, and men of note and intellect put in print their ominous warnings. All this resulted in the withdrawal of the bill and the resignation of the Minister of Culture, Count Zedlitz. But before the end of the year a new army measure began to stir afresh the minds of politicians and people. In his speech delivered before Parliament on November 23d, Caprivi explained that new sacrifices in money and taxation were necessary, in order to make the German army efficient to fight enemies "on two fronts." He went on to demonstrate that, although no war was in sight, France had surpassed Germany in her military organization and numbers, while Russia was continually perfecting her strategical railway system, and locating her best troops on her western frontier. To keep up an equal footing with her neighbors, it was necessary for Germany to add 83,894 men to the present number of soldiers. In order to do this the existing obligation to serve in the army would have to be extended to every one capable of carrying arms. The cost was estimated at $16,700,000 for the first year, and $16,000,000 for every year succeeding. As a compensation for the heavy burdens to be imposed, the Government offered to reduce the time for active service from three to two years.