The last of the Liberal governments of Italy wanted to make its final gesture. It addressed to the country a declaration phrased in the following terms:
“Seditious manifestations are appearing in some of the Italian provinces, brought about in such a way as to hamper the normal functioning of the powers of the State, and are of such nature as to throw the Country into serious trouble.
“The Government has tried its utmost to reach an agreement, with the hope of bringing back peace to all minds and to assure a peaceful solution of the crisis. Facing, however, a revolutionary attempt, it has the duty of maintaining public order by any means and at any price. Even though its resignations have been presented, it will fulfil this duty for the safety of citizens and the safety of free constitutional institutions.
“Meanwhile the citizens must maintain their calm and must have faith in the measures of public security that have been adopted.
“Long live Italy! Long live the King!”
“Signed: Facta, Schanzer, Amendola, Taddei, Alessio, Bertone, Paratore, Soleri, DeVito, Anile, Riccio, Bertini, Rossi, Dello Sbarba, Fulci, Luciani.”
At the same time the ministers, considering the situation created in the country, put their portfolios at the disposition of the president of the council, Facta. This man sought advice from several friends in Rome. As a result he offered a decree to proclaim martial law, which the King, in his profound wisdom, flatly refused to sign.
The Sovereign understood that the revolution of the black shirts was the conclusion of three years of struggle and of fighting; he understood that only with the victory of one party could we reach pacification and that order and progress in civil life which are essential to the harmony of the Italian people.
Out of respect for the most orthodox constitutional forms, the King allowed Facta to follow the rules of the Constitution. We had then resignations, designations, consultations, communications, charges, and so on and so on. At this moment came a sinister maneuvre that impressed me as being ominous. The National party of the right, which had a great similarity of outlook with the Fascisti, although it had not the same system of campaign, advanced some singular claims by means of emissaries.
The National right asserted in fact that it was the keystone of the situation. Salandra, who was the most typical representative of the group, was disposed to sacrifice himself and to take upon his back the cross of power. This was to be understood as an aid for the Fascisti. I protested energetically against such a solution, which would have perpetuated compromise and error. Fascism was under arms, it was dominating the centres of national life, it had a very well-defined aim, it had followed deliberately an extra-parliamentary path and it could not allow its victory to be mutilated or adulterated in such a manner. That was my exact answer to the mediators of the union between the National right and Fascism. No compromise!