CONTENTS

I.
INTRODUCTION
II. A DEFINITION
III. THE CONSTITUTION MAKERS
IV. SQUATTER CONSTITUTIONS
V. THE TERRITORY OF WISCONSIN
VI. THE TERRITORY OF IOWA
VII. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TERRITORY
VIII. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TERRITORY AMENDED
XI. AGITATION FOR A STATE CONSTITUTION
X. THE CONVENTION OF 1844
XI. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1844
XII. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1844 SUBMITTED TO CONGRESS
XIII. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1844 DEBATED AND DEFEATED BY THE PEOPLE
XIV. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1844 REJECTED A SECOND TIME
XV. THE CONVENTION OF 1846
XVI. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1846
XVII. THE NEW BOUNDARIES
XVIII. THE ADMISSION OF IOWA INTO THE UNION
XIX. THE CONVENTION OF 1857
XX. THE CONSTITUTION OF 1857

AN HISTORICAL ESSAY

I
INTRODUCTION

Three score years and ten after the declaration went forth from Independence Hall that "all men are created equal," and fifteen years before the great struggle that was to test whether a nation dedicated to that proposition can long endure, Iowa, "the only free child of the Missouri Compromise," was admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States.

Profoundly significant in our political evolution are events such as these. They are milestones in the progressive history of American Democracy.

To search out the origin, to note the progress, to point to the causes, and to declare the results of this marvelous popular political development in the New World has been the ambition of our historians. Nay more, the "American experiment" has interested the talent of Europe; and our political literature is already enriched by De Tocqueville's "Democracy in America," by von Holst's "Constitutional and Political History of the United States," and by Bryce's "American Commonwealth." Ever since its adoption the Constitution of the "Fathers" has been the most popular text-book of constitution drafters the world over.

At the same time it is strangely true that the real meaning, the philosophical import, of this interesting political drama has scarcely anywhere been more than suggested. A closer view reveals the fact that all of the documents themselves have not yet been edited, nor the narrative fully told. At present there is not a chapter of our history that is wholly written, though the manuscript is worn with erasures.

To be sure, Bancroft has written exhaustively of the Colonies; Fiske has illuminated the Revolution and portrayed the "Critical Period;" Frothingham has narrated the "Rise of the Republic;" Parkman has vividly pictured events in the Northwest; McMaster has depicted the life of the people; von Holst has emphasized the importance of slavery; Rhodes has outlined more recent events; and a host of others have added paragraphs, chapters, monographs, and volumes to the fascinating story of the birth and development of a Democratic Nation. But where are the classics of our local history? Who are the historians of the Commonwealths?

These questions reveal great gaps in our historical literature on the side of the Commonwealths. Nor have the omissions passed unnoticed. Bryce likens the history of the Commonwealths to "a primeval forest, where the vegetation is rank and through which scarcely a trail has been cut." And yet it is clearly evident that before the real import of American Democracy can be divined the forest must be explored and the underbrush cleared away.