My Illinois and my Indiana Friends—If I needed any stimulus to duty, or to have my impression of the dignity and responsibility of representative office increased, I should find it in such assemblies as these and in the kind and thoughtful words which have been addressed to me in your behalf. The American people under our system of government have their public interests in their own keeping. All laws and proclamations may be revoked or repealed by them. They will be called on in November to mark out the revenue policy for our Government by choosing public officers pledged to the principles which a majority of our people approve. Fortunately you have now an issue very clearly drawn and very easy to be understood. In previous campaigns we have not quite known where our adversaries stood. Now we do know. Our Democratic friends say a protective tariff is robbery. You see this written at the head of campaign tracts circulated by their committees. You hear it said in the public speeches of their leaders. You have not once, I think, in the campaign heard any Democratic speaker admit that even a low protective tariff was desirable. Those who, like Mr. Randall, have in former campaigns been used to allay the apprehension of our working people by talking protection have been silenced. On the other hand, the Republican party declares by its platform and by its speakers that a protective tariff is wise and necessary. There is the issue. Make your own choice. If you approve by your votes the doctrine that a protective tariff is public robbery, you will expect your representatives to stop this public robbery, and if they are faithful they will do it; not seven per cent. of it, but all of it. [Applause and cries of "That's it!">[ So that I beg you all to recollect that you will vote this fall for or against the principle of protection. You are invited to a feast of cheapness. You are promised foreign-made goods at very low prices, and domestic competing goods, if any are made, at the same low rates. But do not forget that the spectre of low wages will also attend the feast. [Applause and cries of "That's so!">[ Inevitably, as certain as the night follows the day, the adoption of this policy means lower wages. Choose, then, and do not forget that this cheapening process may be pushed so far as to involve the cheapening of human life and the loss of human happiness. [Applause.]
And now a word about the surplus in the Treasury. Our Democratic friends did not know what else to do with it, and so they have deposited it in certain national banks. The Government gets no interest upon it, but it is loaned out by the banks to our citizens at interest. Our income is more than our current expenses. There is no authority for the Secretary of the Treasury to lend the money, and so only three methods of dealing with it presented themselves, under the law—first, to lock it up in the Treasury vaults; second, to deposit it in the banks without interest; or, third, to use it in the purchase of bonds not yet due. The objection to the first method was that the withdrawal of so large a sum might result in a monetary stringency; the second obviated this objection by allowing the banks to put the money in circulation; but neither method resulted in any advantage to the Government.
As to it the money was dead; only the banks received interest for its use. By the third method the money would be returned to the channels of trade and the Government would make the difference between the premium paid for the bond and the interest that the bonds would draw if left outstanding until they matured. If a Government bond at the market premium is a good investment for a capitalist who is free to use his money as he pleases, can it be bad finance for the Government, having money that it cannot use in any other way, to use it in buying up its bonds? [Great applause.] It is not whether we will purposely raise money to buy our bonds at a premium—no one would advise that—but will we so use a surplus that we have on hand and cannot lawfully pay out in any other way? Do our Democratic friends propose to give the banks the free use of it until our bonds mature, or do they propose to reduce our annual income below our expenditure by a revision of the tariff until this surplus is used, and then revise the tariff again to restore the equilibriums? [Great applause.] I welcome the presence to-day of these ladies of your households. We should not forget that we have working-women in America. [Applause and cries of "Good! good!">[ None more than they are interested in this policy of protection which we advocate. If want and hard conditions come into the home, the women bear a full share. [Applause.] And now I have been tempted to speak more at length than I had intended. I thank you for this cordial manifestation of your confidence and respect. [Cheers.]
The fourth delegation of the day came from Grundy County, Illinois, headed by the Logan Club of Morris. An enthusiastic member of this delegation was the venerable Geo. P. Augustine, of Braceville, Ill., aged 77, who in the summer of 1840 employed the boy "Jimmie" Garfield—afterward President of the United States—to ride his horses on the tow-path of the Ohio canal between Portsmouth and Cleveland. Hon. P. C. Hayes, of Morris, was spokesman for the delegation. General Harrison said:
General Hayes and my Illinois Friends—I regret that your arrival was postponed so long as to make it impossible for you to meet with the other friends from your State who, a little while ago, assembled about the platform. I thank you for the kind feelings that prompted you to come, and for the generous things General Hayes has said in your behalf. There is little that I can say and little that I can appropriately do to promote the success of the Republican principles. A campaign that enlists the earnest and active co-operation of the individual voters will have a safe issue. I am glad to see in your presence an evidence that in your locality this individual interest is felt. [Applause.] But popular assemblies, public debate, and conventions are all an empty mockery unless, when the debate is closed, the election is so conducted that every elector shall have an equal and full influence in determining the result. That is our compact of government. [Cheers.] I thank you again for your great kindness, and it will now give me pleasure to accede to the suggestion of General Hayes and take each of you by the hand.
The fifth and last delegation of the day reached the Harrison residence in the evening, and comprised 200 survivors of the Second and Ninth Indiana Cavalry and the Twenty-sixth Indiana Infantry. Col. John A. Bridgland, the old commander of the Second Cavalry, spoke on behalf of the veterans. General Harrison replied:
Colonel Bridgland and Comrades—I am fast losing my faith in men. [Laughter.] This morning a representative or two of this regiment called upon me and made an arrangement that I should receive you at this hour. It was expressly stipulated—though I took no security [laughter]—that there should be no speech-making at all. Now I find myself formally introduced to you and under the necessity of talking to you. [Laughter.] I am under so much stress in this way, from day to day, that I am really getting to be a little timid when I see a corporal's guard together anywhere, for fear they will want a speech. [Laughter.] And even at home, when I sit down at the table with my family, I have some apprehensions lest some one may propose a toast and insist that I shall respond. [Laughter.]
I remember that the Second Indiana Cavalry was the first full cavalry regiment I ever saw. I saw it marching through Washington Street from the windows of my law office; and as I watched the long line drawing itself through the street, it seemed to me the call for troops might stop; that there were certainly enough men and horses there to put down the rebellion. [Laughter.] It is clear I did not rightly measure the capacities of a cavalry regiment, or the dimensions of the rebellion. [Laughter.] I am glad to see you here to-day. You come as soldiers, and I greet you as comrades. I will not allude to political topics, on which any of us might differ. [A voice, "There ain't any differences!">[ Of course, the members of the Ninth Cavalry and the Twenty-sixth Infantry must understand I am speaking to all my comrades. [A voice, "The Twenty-sixth were waiting for the cavalry to get out of the way!" Laughter.] Well, during the war you were willing to wait, weren't you? [Hearty laughter.] I was going to say that I had an express promise from Mr. Adams, of the Twenty-sixth Indiana, there should be no speaking on the occasion of your visit. [Laughter.] Perhaps his comrades of the Twenty-sixth will say I had not sufficient reason for so thinking, as we all know that he is given to joking. [Laughter.] I will be pleased now to meet each of you personally.